June 15, 2016 Comments are off admin

I am Peshmergah!

Discrimination in Iran is so deeply embedded, it is hard to see. It has therefore become the norm. The differences between Kurdistan, Iran and the rest of the country are so apparent, it can be easily pointed out. During the Iranian Revolution during the 1970’s, the Kurdish community actively participated and were heavily involved in breaking the cycle of discrimination. Those who were supporters of the revolution and the Islamic Regime movement turned this discrimination into law. Unfortunately, the Kurdish people who were attempting to eliminate inequality, prejudice, and intolerance were caught in the crossfire when the Islamic Regime was put in place. They were soon subjected to this very discrimination, hate and anguish. The Iranian Government followed the same patterns as Hitler and the Holocaust causing a genocide against the Kurdish population. Similarly today, the terrorist group ISIS has taken the same form as post Revolutionary behaviour of the Iranian Government. In order to fight for their rights and freedom, the Kurdish people came together to organize political groups and a defense force called the Peshmergah. A group of Peshmergah soldiers collectively came together to create the oppsition group known as The Komala Party. Peshmergah members of this party defended the Kurdish community from further killings and to maintain their dignity as human beings. The Komala Party Peshmergah members rose against the Islamic Regime which tried to strip the Kurdish community of their justice, peace, freedom and democracy. The starting focus of the party was social justice for all and the separation of religion and state. Especially because the Islamic Government was opposed to women’s freedoms and rights, the Komala Party continued to strive for equality among the sexes. As a result, a great number of women decided to join the party and the fight for their rights. The Komala Party was the first political group in Kurdistan, Iran to have women as members and activists. Even today, The Komala Party is still striving to attain the rights and freedoms of the Kurdish population as the end goal is humanity and justice for all.


Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan


January 18, 2016 Comments are off admin

Media in Iran’s Kurdistan

Radio and Television:

The basis of all mass media activities in Kurdistan is about the promotion and propagating the Shiite religion and all matters regarding the religious rule. There are no none-governmental independent media in Iran’s Kurdistan. In order to control the public opinion and keep a closed society, owning a satellite dish is prohibited, and in 2012, as previous years, 95% of satellite dishes were confiscated all over the Kurdistan by security forces. Government authorities raid peoples’ houses illegally. If the residents block their entrance to the dwelling, they would be beaten and assaulted. On many occasions, the authorities climb the walls and take away their satellite dishes without citizen’s knowledge. In February 2012, a large number of constabulary officers visited streets house by house and threaten the people that if they do not destroy the dishes themselves,
the officers would enter the houses and confiscate their receivers as well. At the end of the day, the officers imposed this action by force.
The local television channels in the capitals of the provinces are part of the huge Islamic Republic Radio-Television Centre (SEDA VA SIMA). The selection of the managers and directors and their policies are done under the direct supervision of Khamenei exclusively.


The newspapers and publications:

Most Kurdish journals and publications or publications to do with affairs of Kurdistan are seized after publishing a few issues; the writers are arrested and sentenced. There has always been pressure on the media in Kurdistan and it has increased even more in 2012. Below are some clear examples of suppressions of the mass media by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance in Iran’s Kurdistan.

The Journalists and Weblog Writers:


It has been described that journalism in Kurdistan is very much like walking through a minefield. All Kurdish journalists, weblog writers and reporters, before or after the seizure of their newspapers, journals, publications or websites have been sent to prisons. According to the reports of the Reporters Without Borders, since the past year, more than 10 journalists are still in prison. A number of them have been arrested and many have had to leave the country.

Mohammad Saleh Nikbakht, one of Kurdish citizens, resident of Tehran, who is a member of the Trade Union of Journalist, and also the solicitor for many Kurdish arrested journalists, and he himself is arrested and is in prison for some time now. He has announced that the reason for their arrests and the closure of the Kurdish newspapers and journals is merely because they are Kurds and all charges are baseless. Therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran has taken all steps to curtail and imprison all Kurdish reporters and journalist and has achieved its aims. Further, known activists such as Adnan Hassanpour, who was awarded the Press Freedom prize from Reporters Without Borders in 2007, is at present imprisoned in Sanandaj. His friend and his cousin, Hiva Bootima, who is an environmental activist, was arrested in December 2006. After spending many months in prison, both of them, were sentenced to death by execution in June 2007. These sentences were later commuted to 16 years and 8 years imprisonment respectively.

Internet Cafe:

Control of internet cafes and internet users in Kurdistan cities:
Internet cafes in the city of Marivan are obliged to install close circuit televisions and register the particulars of the users.
On 24 December 2012, police officers have approached internet cafes in Marivan and have declared that they are obliged to install CCTV cameras and ought to register the particulars of the of the internet users.
They have asked the management of internet cafes to note down the postcode and National Identity Card number of the users and register them (5).
All internet cafes in Sanandaj are required to install CCTV cameras in their shops.
Office of Public Locations (AMAKEN OFFICE) of Sanandaj city has informed all internet cafes that they must install CCTV’s in their shops.
Further, the cafe net owners in Sanandaj have been ordered by AMAKEN OFFICE to install a particular application, namely GAST, on their computer systems. As well as performing the task of filtering websites, this software can control the time and type of use of the customers more easily (3).
Internet Cafes shall become equipped with CCTV’s in Western Azerbaijan. The Cyber Space and Communication of Data Police of the Western Azerbaijan Police Headquarters has informed that all internet cafes in Western Azerbaijan are equipped with CCTV cameras, in order to record the faces of the culprits at the time of committing the offence.

Reporters Without Borders again condemns Iran’s increasing censorship of the Internet, this time its censorship of mobile apps in particular.

Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan


January 17, 2016 Comments are off admin

These cases are just representing a small part of crimes committed by the Islamic regime of Iran against innocent Kurdish civilians


  • On September 2, 1979, the Iranian Army, armed with tanks and artillery, attacked the village of “Gharena”, situated in Western Azerbayjan province. According to the official sources in Kurdistan, as a result of this attack, 68 men, women and children were massacred within two hours.



Mahabad city: Indr Ghash & Vsokend,

  • On the 4th of November 1980, “Basij” forces under the commandership of Maboudi attacked the villages of “Inder Ghash” and ” Yousef Kand” located 10 kilumeters away from Mahabad. The invadors massacared 35 civilians in a matter of few hours.


Naqada city,

  • On 28 Aug 1980, Revolutionary Gaurds attacked the village of “Ghalatan” in the suburbs of “Naghadeh” city; This brutal atack resulted in the death of 13 civilian.




Oushnavieh city,

  • On 8 Nov 1980, only 4 days after the massacare of civilians in “Inder Ghash” and ” Yousef Kand”, revolutionary Gaurds, under the commandership of “Mullah Hassan” and “Maboudi” raided in “Soufian” village in the suburbs of “Oushnavieh” city and murdered 12 people. Age of 7 of the victims were over 50. During the attack, 20 people were also wounded.



Naghadeh city,

  • On 9 Nov 1981 the village of “Bayezawa” in the suburbs of the “Naghadeh” city, was invaded and 9 people were killed.




Mahabad city Saroqmish:

  • On 14 Sep 1981, 18 brick-burner labourers, working in the “Sarouqmish” sun-dried brick burner factory were murdered.




Mahabad city, Qaragol,

  • On the 2nd of 1982, 18 residents of “Gharagol” village, located in the suburbs of “Mahabad” city were killed. Some of the victims were in their 70s and 90s.



Mahabad city, Sozi,

  • The massacare of “Sowzi” village in the suburbs of “Mahabad” city, in which, 9 people were killed.




Naghade city,

  • The policy of mass slaughter of Kurds continued and 40 people were massacared in the villages of “Dilancherakh”, “Halbi”,”Koykan”, “Raizi Shakakan” and “Youneslian”.



Mahabad city,

  • On 16 March 1983 in the villages of “Dimehsour”, “Jafarawa” and “Marjanawa” located in the suburbs of “Mahabad” city, several people were killed; but only 9 of the victim’s names were registered.

Urmia city,

  • On 23 March 1983 in the villages of “Halghoush” and “Gijeh”, in the region of “Soma”, situated in the suburbs of “Oroumia” city 13 people were murdered.

Naghada city,

  • On 25 March 1983 in the villages of “Cheghel Mostafa” , “Khalifelina” and “Gourkhaneh” in the suburbs of “Naghadeh” city, 21 people were massacared.


Oushnavieh city,

  • On 14 Sep 1983, in the villages of “Jebreyeilawa”, “Gondawil” and “Dowaw”, in the suburbs of “Oshnawieh” city, 6 people were massacared.


It should be noted that the details of all victims killed or woumded during the above instances have been registered. However these cases are just representing a small part of crimes committed by the Islamic regime of Iran against innocent Kurdish civilians. In addition to the above cases, Kurdish people have been subjected to several more cases of massacare and slauther carried out by the state.



  • Execution of Kurdish disidents were carried out to achiev political objectives; Between 1979 and 1991, a total of 832 people were either executed by firing squads, or hanged in Kurdistan, in the hands of the Islamic regime of Iran. Among the victims, there were 399 members of “Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan” (PDKI) and 209 members of “Komala”. The rest of victims, 224 people were not members of any political parties or groups.


Kermanshah city,

  • Mass execution of the political prisoners; on 19 Aug 1979, 11 political prisoners were executed during a mass execution by firing squad, in “Dizal-Abad” prison.


  • On 20 Aug 1979 for the second time, 7 people were executed.


  • On June 2nd 1984, 59 youths in Mahabad city were executed during a mass execution by firing squad.

Saghez city,

  • On 27 Aug 1979, 20 people were executed by firing squad in “Saqez” city’s garrison (military Bae).


  • On 22 April 1979, 26 people were executed during a mass execution.



  • On 26 Aug 1979, 11 people were executed by firing squad.




  • In 1980, 52 people were executed.


  • Sanandajh, Mahabad, Kamiaran, Baneh, Diwandara, and …,

During 1981, 163 prisoners were executed in the prisons of “Sene”, “Mahabad”, “Kamyaran”, “baneh”, “Divandareh” and other cities.

  • Kurdistan,

  1. In 1982, 160 people were executed during a mass execution.
  2. In 1983, 44 people were executed during a mass execution.
  3. In 1984, 37 people were executed during a mass execution.
  4. Between 1985 and 1986 , 20 people were executed.
  5. Between 1988 and 1989 , 59 people were executed.

  • The Kurdish people in Iran has endured even greater catasrophies Chemical bombardment of “Sardasht” city was carried out by the Iraqi Air-Forces on 7 Tir 1366 (28 June 1987) . During this attack, chemical Bombs were dropped on 4 crowded parts of “Sardasht” city located in West Azerbayjan provience; resulted in 110 civilian death; 8000 people were also ingulfed and poisened with the fatal chemical gases.


  • The daily killing of border traders،



  • Residents killed as a result of explosion of Landmines, implanted by both Iraqi and Islamic Regime.


  • Accomodating non-Kurdish people in Kurdish neighbourhoods and making some concesssions available to them, with the aim of eradicating the cultur of Kurdistan

  • State’s dirty planned program to promote drug addiction among the Kurdish youths, current and future executions and militarisation of Kurdistan.

The Jihad declaration of Khomeini against the Kurds in Iran on August 18, 1979 that followed massive military strike should be recognized as one of the most known act of crime against humanity an ethnic minority in Iran.  Following the Khomeini’s fatwa and declaration of Jihad that was broadcasted by state’s Tehran radio, a massive military campaign against the Kurds in Iran started and thousands innocent people killed and injured or lost their homes across the Kurdish regions, many were executed by fire squad after briefly tried by so the called “revolutionary court” that was overseeing the special representative of Khomeini in Kurdistan known as “Khalkhali”.  This campaign of execution and arresting activists, intellectuals and innocent people and at the same time militarizing Kurdish regions has been going on for more that last 37 years.
There are many creditable documents, films and many more still alive witnesses of this campaign of atrocity and oppression against Kurds in Iran.  These examples included:
1.    bombardment and massacring of innocent people of city of Sannadaj (capital of province of Kurdistan) just a month after 1979 revelation (even five months prior to Khomeini’s Jihad)
2.     Massacring of Kurdish civilians in village of Gharna where 68 people were brutally murdered by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards (such mass killing of villagers following by many examples across Kurdish regions in Iran and it was used as a collective punishment of people for many years.
3.    Massacring of Kurds in city of paveh (province of Kermanshah) by a well-known military commander   Dr. Chamran.
4.    Massacring of Kurdish people under pre-text of creating tension and ethnic conflict in region by important regime’s persons like “Mola Hassani”, “Mahbodi” and others.
5.    Execution of many Kurds by fire squad in Kurdish cities of Paveh, Marivan, Sanndaj, Saqaz and many others.
6.    Execution of 59 youth and innocent Kurds in city of Mahabad and still after more than 3 decades the location of their graves has not been disclosed to their families.

There are many other examples of mass killing, violation of human rights and atrocity in Kurdish regions of Iran in hands of Islamic Republic of Iran throughout last 37 years and we have many creditable documents to prove all of them.  We as Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan are demanding from The ………………… ……………..for an immediate process of legal action and serving justice for all these crime against humanity and suffering of the Kurds in hands of Islamic Republic of Iran. We ready to provide all these necessary documents that can be used for starting such legal process as soon as possible.



January 16, 2016 Comments are off admin

Introduction to the Women’s Organisation of Iranian Kurdistan

Kurdish women have had a notable and worthy presence in all aspects of political and civil activities, both at home and abroad. Further, they are a major player in the struggle for the national rights within the national Kurdish movement. In another word, the Kurdish woman is part and parcel of the national movement, who suffers oppression, and by the same token, live as a woman in a patriarchal society under the rule of a religious state and is discriminated against in her private and social life on a daily basis. Taking this into consideration and in order to advance the goals of the Kurdish women movement, and further to help raising the awareness and offer moral support, and in cases financial support, to the Iranian Kurdish women, who have been forced to leave Iran and reside in Iraqi Kurdistan within a deplorable situation, due to social, economical and political problems, we, a group of experienced and fighting-spirited women of Iranian Kurdistan, who are residing in Iraqi Kurdistan in exile, have formed and established the Women’s organisation of Iranian Kurdistan in 2010. This is a truly multi-partisan organisation and embraces all Kurdish Iranian women in all its activities.

The Women’s organisation of Iranian Kurdistan has organised its activities in the form of the various committees, such as: social, political, artistic, communications, financial and advertisement.
Supporting the refugees in the refugee camps since the war between Iran and Iraq (in the 1980’s) is part of the humanitarian activities of the Women’s organisation of Iranian Kurdistan. One should also mention the on-going visits to the displaced Iranian Kurds in refugee camps all over Iraq. We have always strived to alleviate the problems of livelihood of these women, as much as our material and humane abilities permit us, and we have strived to elevate their abilities and self-confidence by making them aware of their most basic and fundamental rights.

These women live under oppression for being a woman, a Kurd and displaced in Iraqi Kurdistan and are carrying a 30-year-old-burden of pain, displacement, war, oppression and suppression on their shoulders. Further, the great flood of Iranian Kurdish women from all walks of life including political and civil activists, students, women movement activists, in a word all those women who have been forced to live their normal life due to the threats under the rule of the Islamic Republic, have made it clear and apparent to us the inevitable necessity of forming and establishing such organisation. It must be added that the Women’s organisation of Iranian Kurdistan has its representatives in most European countries and is widely active within Iran as well.
Some of the activities of the Women’s organisation of Iranian Kurdistan:
–    Holding on-going seminars regarding all matters related to the women’s’ issues; –    Holding educational sessions and trainings on subjects such as social, health, culture
and trainings specific to women; –    Holding awareness and social health workshops for village women and displaced
refugee camp residents;
–    Communicating and liaising with the governmental authorities and organisations in Iraqi Kurdistan for the purpose of providing financial and moral support for the refugee women;
– The sex workers, who are forced to sell their bodies, due to widespread unemployment who come from Iran to Iraq are helped and supported by the members of the Women’s organisation of Iranian Kurdistan in order to find jobs and return to a life with dignity;
–    Giving refuge to women who have run away from their oppressive husbands in Iran and travel to Iraq, or referring such women to centres for supporting venerable women centres in Iraqi Kurdistan;
– Participating in international conferences in order to echo the voice of Kurdish women in Iranian Kurdistan and earning the moral support of the various international centres for the Kurdish women in this part of Kurdistan.
Expectations from international organisations for helping Iranian Kurdish women
We are urging you to give educational, financial and moral support to the Women’s organisation of Iranian Kurdistan in various fields, and by doing so and through them, help and support the Kurdish women in Iranian Kurdistan.
Help and assist us to participate in international gatherings and become the voice of the voiceless and un-supported women of Kurdistan.
When you hold educational sessions in Iraqi Kurdistan on various subjects and vocations, including the awareness-making and education of women, inform us and our members. Do train us and educate us, we can be a good trainer for other women ourselves.
Do assist and help us to establish a kindergarten and nursery for child refugees and their mothers, in our refugee camp which is 20km away from the city of Soleymaniyeh. This task requires such budget and expenditure that is not in our grasp. We urgently ask for the allocation of financial aid from human rights organisations and ask for your assistance in this matter.
Our other humanitarian request is to organise an on-going project for the collection of clothes, stationary and daily required equipments in the European countries. We ask you to send these items to the “Women’s organisation of Iranian Kurdistan”, for the benefit of women under our protection.
Do help and assist us in our voluntary and humanitarian aid duties to the Iranian Kurdish women.
Sincerely yours,

The Management of the Women’s organisation of Iranian Kurdistan

August 2015

January 14, 2016 Comments are off admin

Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, An Introduction

Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan was formed in autumn 1969 among Kurdish leftist students and intellectuals in Tehran and some Kurdish towns. Since there was no political freedom in Iran, every political organization and even small student circles had to go hiding and to organize underground. Komala was no exception. Like all other opposition organizations of that time, especially the leftist groups of the sixties and seventies, Komala faced severe repression.

During those years many of Komala members and its leadership experienced persecution, torture and imprisonment in the hands of SAVAK, Shah’s notorious secret police, but Komala could manage to survive and protect the main body of its organization and its growing network of activists. More than 9 years of hard and disciplined work prior to the outbreak of Iranian Revolution of 1978-79, bore its fruit and helped Komala build a strong and cohesive body of cadres among sections of Kurdish society. Komala managed to win over considerable sections of Kurdish students, teachers, intellectuals and young people and develop a significant influence and social base among workers and peasants throughout Kurdistan.

Komala actively participated in the Iranian Revolution and in fact was behind almost every demonstration and popular movement of that period. On March 16, 1979, a few days after the victory of the Revolution, Komala launched an open political party. By this time Komala had already become a major political force in Iranian Kurdistan. The birth of Komala and its rapid growth among large sections of Kurdish society in Iran, apart from its own hard work, discipline and dedication, can be attributed to a combination of social factors during a period of Iran’s transition from a traditional and patriarchal society to a so-called pseudo-modern one. Abolishing feudal patterns by the Land Reforms of 1960s, development of an urban population in Iran and in Kurdistan from a predominantly rural society, forming of a huge mass of Kurdish migrant workers out of hitherto dormant village dwellers, who traveled to every part of Iran seeking jobs in various projects in a booming economy, large increase in literacy, cracks in traditional and patriarchal relations and emergence of a new generation who was not satisfied with the existing state of the affairs and with its share and its role in society, formation and ascendance of a new and modern type of Kurdish intellectuals in universities with their background in the non- privileged classes of the society, growing expectations among the majority of the people, growing political awareness of the rights of Kurds as a nation, all of this contributed to the rise and popularity of Komala and the formation of a mass modern political movement in Kurdistan. Komala soon became the champion of Kurdish cause and an uncompromising opposition against new religious dictators of Iran, as well as of the social justice and democratic change. Komala introduced a new political culture in the Kurdish movement based on openness and frankness with the people, attaching much importance to the initiatives from below, grass roots politics and organizing mass civil movements, organizing peasants and championing equal rights for women and taking them to the forefront of the political arena, and as a whole presenting a modern progressive and non- traditional look to the Kurdish movement.

While many opposition groups underestimated the dangers of Islamic fundamentalism, Komala warned against it and opposed it even before it came to power. Unlike many, Komala never supported the Islamic regime in Iran and always considered them a threat to democratic process and to progressive politics. In the first referendum about establishing the “Islamic Republic of Iran” in the spring 1979, which the Kurdish people successfully boycotted, Komala was the first political force in Kurdistan which advocated and fought for that boycott.
When in summer 1979 Khomeini ordered a big onslaught against Kurdish people and sent Pasdaran and the army to crush and punish the Kurds for their “disobedience”, a resistance movement broke out in Kurdistan with Komala as a major organizing force. In the subsequent negotiations between Kurds and the new Islamic regime, Komala was one of the main elements in the Kurdish People’s Unified Delegation.

Komala Party, as a leading and organizing force of the Kurdish liberation movement, has gone through tough times and has lost thousands of its members in the fight for freedom and justice.
After a long and heated debate among its ranks and in public during the nineties, finally the majority of the Komala Party’s cadres and members decided to a renewal programme to adapt to the new domestic and world developments. Since year 2000, Komala Party has undergone a major overhaul. This move was welcomed by the great majority of people, intellectuals, students, women, civil activists, Komala veteran activists and others.

While preserving its socialist values, Komala fights for Kurdish rights, for a democratic secular pluralist federal Iran, for social justice, for democratic labour laws, for the freedom of assembly and organization, political freedoms, democracy, human rights, women’s rights and cultural and religious tolerance.
Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan advocates a Kurdish united front in Iranian Kurdistan, an Iranian broad democratic coalition and also a front of Iranian oppressed nationalities.
In order to help a better understanding by the International community of the Kurdish cause in Iran and getting a wider support for Kurdish cause and democratic change in Iran, Komala Party is establishing a wide range of contacts with the outside world, and especially is seeking closer ties with the Socialist International.

Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan

January 12, 2016 Comments are off admin

Le Komala du Kurdistan de l’Iran : Les identifiants et les objectifs (FR)

Le Komala du Kurdistan de l’Iran : Les identifiants et les objectifs

L’origine sociale et politique de création du Komala

Le Komala a été créé en 1969 et plus précisément le 26 octobre. La création de Komala a été fait dans les circonstances spéciales au Kurdistan, l’Iran et le monde. Durant cette période, les étudiants Kurdes militaient dans les universités en tant qu’organisation politique de gauche et la dictature du Shah ne supportait aucune activité politique. Par conséquent, le Komala a dû commencer ses activités, comme la plupart des associations politiques, en discrétion.

La fondation du Komala à cette période fut le résultat d’une série d’évolutions sociales, politiques et culturelles profondes dans la société du Kurdistan et d’Iran. D’autre part, ce parti fut crée afin de répondre aux besoins provoqués par ces évolutions. Depuis sa création et sa présence active et conductrice pendant la révolution de l’Iran, puis durant le mouvement de la résistance populaire du Kurdistan et celui de la libération des peuples Kurdes, la lutte politique et sociale en Kurdistan est entrée dans une nouvelle phase et a pris une nouvelle forme et un nouveau contenu.

Les réformes économiques des années 40, qui ont été établies à l’époque de Shah et qui étaient sous influence des acteurs économiques et politiques intérieurs et mondiales, ont provoqué de grands changements et ont eu des conséquences économiques, politiques et culturelles profondes importants dont la révolution de 1979.

Ce qui a  provoqué de profonds changements, dans la perspective, la culture, les attitudes, les mentalités de différentes classes sociales, particulièrement celles des ouvriers, des femmes, des jeunes et des classes éduquées, s’explique par ; la chute du système féodal et économie fermée; l’intégration de l’Iran dans le marché mondial -qui a commencé au début des années 60 et qui a perduré pendant une quinzaine d’années-; la grande croissance de l’urbanisation et la formation importante de la classe ouvrière dans le Kurdistan -Par manque des projets de constructions et projets industriels dans la région les ouvriers Kurdes devaient immigrer vers les villes et les pôles de production dans tout le pays- ; la démonopolisation de l’éducation à haut niveau pour tout le monde et son influence sur la classe moyenne et la classe modeste; l’apparition de la classe éduquée et des élèves et des étudiants en tant que nouvelle classe sociale et par conséquent la levée d’un mécanisme social facilitait la réception et le transfert de nouveaux points de vue et cultures mondiales et les nouveaux demandes à la société ; la fracture de la société traditionnelle et de ses anciennes coutumes ; la chute de la patriarchie et l’arrivée de la nouvelle génération ne correspondaient plus avec la culture et le mode de vie des anciennes générations ; la présence d’une grande partie des femmes dans le monde de l’éducation puis dans le marché du travail qui a bousculé les mentalités sur la place qu’occupaient la femme dans la société. De ce fait, on ne pouvait plus négliger les effets de ces exigences sociales sur la lutte politique.

Tous ces changements économiques, sociaux et culturels en Iran ont eu lieu au moment des grands changements dans la production, technologie et le développement économique y compris dans la politique et la culture.

L’extension du marché mondial, la croissance économique rapide et sans arrêt des pays développés du monde capitaliste après la seconde guerre mondiale connue comme les trois décennies glorieuses du capitalisme, l’augmentation des salaires, l’amélioration des droits économiques et sociaux des ouvriers, la consolidation des accomplissements tels que la sécurité sociale et la santé publique, l’éducation gratuite, les droits d’associations, les droits des femmes, des enfants, des chômeurs etc. pendant l’Etat-providence et qui était l’un des accomplissements de la lutte des ouvriers et lutte sociale progressiste qui évoquait la social-démocratie mondiale, le développement du féminise et le mouvement des droits de femmes et la croissance du rôle important dans la société, et celui des jeunes et atteindre un niveau important de l’indépendance économique par eux qui s’accompagnait avec les changements remarquables dans la culture et le mode de vie et la musique et la littérature et etc., le fracassement final des résidus du colonialisme au niveau mondial, l’agrandissement et la promotion des mouvements ouvriers, l’augmentation des mouvements de libération dans le troisième monde et les mouvements anti-guerre aux pays occidentaux, la levée et la popularité des guérillas mouvements comme une alternative pour lutter contre les systèmes de dictature militaire-policière en Amérique Latine au moyen orient et dans certains pays du tiers monde, l’apparition d’une nouvelle gauche indépendante d’Union Soviétique en Europe, la divergence dans le camp socialiste de la Chine et de l’Union Soviétique dès le début et ensuite d’autres dérivées intérieures de ce camp, furent les changements qui influencèrent les pensées et les comportements de la population dans le monde entier et ainsi des intellectuels et des militants politiques de l’époque en Iran et en Kurdistan y compris les cadres fondateurs du Komala.

Les changements dans la société iranienne cités, en considérant l’intensification de l’autoritarisme et de l’obstruction politique du régime gouvernant, ont provoqué des changements principaux sur les implications et les méthodes de lutte politique mais aussi sur l’arrangement des oppositions politiques en Iran. Les militants traditionnels du monde politique de l’Iran, n’avaient plus d’efficacité et d’influence politique et se sont marginalisés par ces évolutions et par l’apparition de ce nouveau radicalisme dans le pays. Leurs places ont été prises par les nouveaux militants politiques. Ces nouvelles forces se composaient d’étudiants et des classes éduquées, qui formaient les nouvelles organisations et nouveaux groupes et qui ne pouvaient pas continuer leur travail sous la pression de la dictature. Ces groupes n’avaient plus de connexion organique avec les ouvriers et les classes modestes de la société. Les oppositions de l’Iran à cette époque, à la place des personnages importants du front national et ceux de Tuda ou des clergés, comprenait des jeunes révolutionnaires qui ne compromettaient et ne pardonnaient les actes du régime du Shah et soutenaient toutes les solutions révolutionnaires, y compris les révolutions des peuples ou les luttes guérillas pour le changement du régime.

Ce nouveau mouvement politique, qui était de la nature souterraine et qui influençait sur la littérature, la poésie, la culture de l’époque, était idéologiquement de gauche et il était extrêmement révolutionnaire. Ce mouvement s’est cultivé dans le contexte des récits du Marxisme et anticapitaliste de tiers monde. Les courantes écoles de pensée dans le monde se sont reflétées par nature en Iran et dans la région. Il est vrai que, selon de nombreux groupes, l’Union Soviétique était le pôle mondial du socialisme et son récit du Marxisme a été également reconnu par les occidentaux. Mais à cette époque, l’Union Soviétique et ses politique étaient critiqués par les gauchistes, y compris le gauche indépendante et les démocrates, la gauche guérilla, voire le Maoïsme.

Dès le début des années 1970, la religion, en tant qu’idéologie politique, qui était radicalisée sous les circonstances et les discours mondiaux et intérieurs, a trouvé une place non-négligeable dans les discours des intellectuels et des étudiants, ce qui a fait ses effets sur la révolution de l’Iran et ce qui a facilité la domination des clergés réactionnaires et la dictature religieuse de Velayat-é Faqih.

Le Komala en tant que nouvel acteur politique dans le monde politique et intellectuel du Kurdistan de l’Iran, a été influencé par ces évolutions et ces processus et il a réagi contre ces changements et a eu beaucoup d’impacts sur la jeune génération du Kurdistan à cette époque.

Durant ces années, les changements régionaux et Kurdistanais étaient véritables et non-négligeables et furent l’unes des premières raisons de la création du Komala. La levée du mouvement Kurde dans le Kurdistan de l’Irak au début des année 1960, reconnu comme la révolution Eloul ou Septembre, a fait apparaître le problème Kurde et a relancé et soulevé la conscience nationale entre la jeune génération et la masse des peuples Kurdes. Ensuite, les changements et la défaite tragique que le mouvement a subi au milieu des années 70, furent à l’origine d’une révision du mouvement Kurde en se fondant sur de nouvelles idées et en qui se résultait à la maturation de leurs pensées politiques et quant à la problématique Kurde, il a influencé énormément sur les militants politiques et les intellectuels de la nouvelle génération.

Dans le Kurdistan d’Iran, le parti démocrate, seul parti politique jusqu’aux années 1960, seul moyen qui permettait de lutter et d’organiser les protestations dans le Kurdistan, et évoqué par les événements politiques les plus importants de l’époque, était aussi face à ces défis sociaux et politiques. D’une part, ce parti devait comprendre les nouvelles idées et les nouvelles problématiques, provoquées par les changements et évolutions dans la région, l’Iran et le monde, d’autre part il devait résoudre le problème de son lien tissé historique avec le parti Tudeh et comment le traiter après sa résolution. Le manque d’une réponse appropriée et unanime à ces questions a ouvert la voie pour les tensions internes et les perplexités ; ce parti est devenu le sujet de critique et de questionnement des nouvelles générations intellectuelles et les militantes politiques de Kurdistan. La création d’un nouveau parti ou une nouvelle association nommée « Comité révolutionnaire du parti démocrate du Kurdistan d’Iran » en 1965, qui n’acceptait plus de continuer ses activités avec les idées et les conduites traditionnelles, était l’une des conséquences de ces évolutions. La formation, l’activité puis la prochaine défaite de ce mouvement critique et ainsi le contre-exemple de « le comité révolutionnaire », furent les origines de la création du nouveau mouvement appelé Komala.

A cet égard, le problématique des Kurdes et le mouvement Kurde a trouvé sa nouvelle signification auprès de la nouvelle génération et la société Kurde. La nouvelle génération ne se satisfaisait plus par les regards traditionnels et les solutions traditionnelles. Le nationalisme Kurde devait impliquer le nouveau contenu social et théorique, avec le progressisme, la démocratie, en insistant clairement sur son droit à l’autodétermination. Il devait également impliquer les méthodes modernes et non-traditionnelles de la conduite politique. Le Komala était un médium pour transférer cette idée et répondre de façon claire à cette problématique d’un point de vue avant-gardiste, progressiste et démocratique.

Les années 60 au Kurdistan furent accompagnées par la nouvelle conscience culturelle et littéraire, la poésie avant-garde Kurde, et un mouvement littéraire dans l’écriture des nouveaux romans politiques et sociaux en langue Kurde, l’augmentation des activités des intellectuels et la création des milieux intellectuels littéraires en ayant une affiliation politique extrême. Tout cela a développé les prochains domaines intellectuels et culturels du Komala.

Décennie des activités souterraines

Malgré les arrestations et l’emprisonnement, la torture, les difficultés de la période de régime du Shah, Le Komala a pu surmonter ces défis et a réussi à garder son squelette principal. C’est pourquoi durant la révolution de l’Iran et le mouvement du Kurdistan, Le Komala a pu entrer dans la lutte pour les peuples avec un réseau de militants experts, populaires et connus. C’est pour cela qu’il pouvait former la force organisatrice et conductrice principale des protestations et d’autres activités des peuples dans le Kurdistan.

L’activité souterraine du Komala a perduré environ 10 ans et plus précisément de 26 octobre 1969 jusqu’au 26 janvier 1979, le jour de la déclaration publique de l’entité du Komala. En effet, durant ces années, Le Komala a formé ses intuitions et ses affiliations politiques, y compris ses caractéristiques et ses méthodes de lutte et d’organisation. On peut résumer brièvement les caractéristiques intellectuelles, politiques, et pratiques du Komala comme ci-dessous.

A- Pour le Komala, l’Union Soviétique n’était pas le pôle du socialisme et le Komala ne reconnaît pas ses modèles théoriques et pratiques. Cette distinction a aidé ce parti à n’avoir aucune dépendance aux récits théoriques de ce pôle. Les récits étaient par nature à la servitude de la politique extérieure de l’Union Soviétique, selon laquelle tout ce qui était anti-américain était considéré comme positif et révolutionnaire. Nous acceptions le socialisme et la révolution d’octobre 1917 mais non pas le système qui est venu au pouvoir par la suite. Ceux qui avaient des attaches intellectuelles à ce camp, ou bien, comme le Tudeh, qui avait l’attache pratique, ont commis une grave erreur durant la révolution de l’Iran. Le Komala, attaché à une partie de gauche, n’acceptait pas cette théorie ou pratique, et l’un des identifiants, composant de la théorie politique du Komala, était la critique de l’Union Soviétique et traite avec les conséquences de cette distinction à l’intérieur. Ce n’était pas un hasard que, durant l’occupation de l’ambassade américaine et pendant que la plupart des groupes considéraient cette occupation comme un acte révolutionnaire, le Komala l’a clairement nommé « acte populiste réactionnaire ». Celui-ci servait seulement à la fortification de la dictature de Velayat-e-Faqih, et pour le Komala cela était la déviation du mouvement, perplexe et l’écrasement de l’opposition.
B- Le Komala croyait fortement à la chute du régime du Shah comme une nécessité mais il n’acceptait pas la politique de guérilla. Il croit que la révolution devrait être le fruit de la croissance, l’évolution du mouvement de masse et le changement dans la mentalité. Il pensait que le changement de comportement social des masses d’ouvriers résultait de l’évolution politique et de l’évolution pratique de ces mouvements. En effet, une révolution populaire et effective est véritable quand les mouvements sociaux et les mouvements de masse atteignent la hauteur de son exposition. Nous croyions profondément aux rôles des masses et des mouvements sociaux comme un acteur militant du changement social et pour nous, les actes de guérilla non liés aux masses ne seront pas efficaces. Le Komala respectait et reconnaissait le révolutionnarisme des leaders primaires du mouvement Fadai et leurs influences sur les étudiants et les intellectuels. Par contre l’expérience du mouvement armé de « Comité révolutionnaire » en Kurdistan de l’Iran dans les années 1967-1968 nous a montré qu’un mouvement de guérilla, réalisé par un groupe de scout, même s’il est soutenu par les peuples, ne réussira pas sans que la masse du peuple soit préparé pour le soulèvement, en participant aux mouvements pratiques et aux actes politiques et organisateurs. En général, l’expérience du Kurdistan, et particulièrement l’expérience du mouvement des années 1967-1968, n’étant pas connue par les intellectuels et les militants politiques non-Kurdes malgré son importance et sa richesse, était une source indispensable pour la compréhension du Komala et nous a aidé à mûrir et approfondir notre perspective historique.

C- Les identifiants évidents sont les bases intellectuelles et politiques du Komala  sont : croire au rôle principal des mouvements sociaux dans toutes les évolutions sociales, la nécessité de le soutenir, y participer et influencer par les travaux avec la patience et la compassion, croire au rôle des masses et les initiatives des peuples et être à leur écoute tout en étant responsable. Le Komala était conscient des liens populaires et il travaillait avec eux en vue de surmonter la séparation des intellectuels des peuples et des ouvriers, qui était l’un des problèmes du travail politique pour les intellectuels de l’époque. Ce caractère, depuis cette époque était devenu la particularité du Komala à un point tel que parmi les prisonniers politiques des années de 1970,  les cadres de Komala étaient connus comme « travailleur de masse » « Tudeyi Kar »

D-Donner de l’importance à la rigueur intellectuelle et politique, qui est généralement examiné par l’étude historique et sociale intégrale du Kurdistan, de l’Iran et du monde et ainsi que par le débat théorique et politique et par les pratiques ; avoir une discipline forte, la solidarité intérieure profonde, l’engagement, la prise de risque, la responsabilité, la diligence ; avoir de l’esprit de sacrifice et favoriser les objectifs supérieurs sociaux et politiques aux avantages de la vie personnelle, étaient nos identifiants et nos valeurs que nous avons protégés et avons défendus soit durant la distinction théorique vis a vis d’autres politiques et soit contre les attaques policières. Le Komala a pu entrer comme une organisation politique dans la révolution de l’Iran et le mouvement répandu de Kurdistan.

Komala : la révolution iranienne et le mouvement de Kurdistan

La révolution de l’Iran et par la suite le grand mouvement de libération des peuples du Kurdistan étaient la deuxième phase historique importante qui a influencé profondément  le processus du développement du Komala. Durant ces événements le Komala a apporté des changements inoubliables pour la société et les mouvements de cette époque. Durant cette époque il a aussi traversé de grandes évolutions et il s’est transformé d’une organisation fermée et disciplinée mais limitée par les cadres à un grand parti social.

Le Komala a pu jouer le rôle principal dans l’organisation des manifestations et des mouvements populaires et venir à la tête de nombreuses activités et de mouvements. En effet, il avait son propre réseau de cadres -qui, indépendamment de leurs appartenances organisationnelles, faisaient partie des caractères populaires- de militants, de prisonniers politiques et de militants éminents impliquant les étudiants, les enseignants et une grande partie des ouvriers et travailleurs de villages. En profitant de la libération graduelle de leur cadre de la prison, avant le commencement du mouvement libéral contre le régime du Shah et depuis l’année 1977, Komala a commencé à reconstruire son organisation et a réussi à confronter les nouveaux événements avec une forte solidarité et une forte organisation. A la suite de ce processus, le Komala a tenu son premier congrès dans l’automne de 1978 en discrétion.

L’intervalle entre la révolution de l’Iran et l’ordre de l’attaque de Khomeini, le 19 août 1979, était la période pendant laquelle le Komala a réussi à réaliser ses organisations civiles et ses travaux parmi les peuples les plus développés depuis sa création. Durant cette période courte et avant l’attaque violente de la république islamique, le Kurdistan bénéficiait d’une sécurité civile relative. Par l’initiative du Komala et pour la première fois, les associations des agriculteurs, les associations des ouvriers, et celles de femmes, des enseignants, des lycéens, et même les cercles culturels et de poésie et de théâtre ont été crées dans les villes et les villages du Kurdistan et cette région a vécu une rare prospérité politique et culturelle. Au même moment, le Komala s’est mué, s’est développé et sa popularité a rapidement augmenté parmi les peuples. Il s’est transformé en un parti social établi, libéral et avant-gardiste qui présentait à la société du Kurdistan de nouvelles implications, de nouveaux slogans et de nouvelles formes de lutte. Défendre courageusement les agriculteurs contre l’attaque de leurs anciens maîtres et des agresseurs, qui étaient souvent armés, et lutter pour leur droits à avoir du terrain, défendre la liberté et l’égalité des femmes et leur participation dans différents milieux, défendre les libertés politiques et la liberté d’expression, être proactif en création et soutien des différents institutions civiles, syndicales, culturelles, y compris les associations démocratiques nommées  « populations »  dans le villes, qui inscrivait principalement les forces demandeurs de changements et jeunes des villes, défendre la séparation de l’état et de la religion et la critique du système de la gouvernance islamique récemment établi, proposer et représenter les nouvelles formes de lutte populaire sans précédentes, tout cela a transformé rapidement le Komala à un parti avant-gardiste et attrayant.

Le Kurdistan est entré dans un nouveau chapitre de leur histoire par l’ordre d’attaque de Khomeini le 19 août 1979. La résistance des peuples a commencé afin de protéger leurs exploits, leur dignité et leur gloire. La république islamique a commencé son attaque pour des raisons absurdes et populistes, en incitant les instincts arriérés des masses et la propagation de fausses rumeurs autours des Kurdes. Mais l’excuse principale pour cette attaque n’était que l’intolérance vis à vis d’un Kurdistan libre et libéral. Le Kurdistan de l’époque n’était pas sous la domination et l’hégémonie des clergés intégristes et des militas fichistes d’Hizbullah, ses cinémas et ses points de récréations étaient immunes contre la mise en feu intentionnelle de ces groupes, les maisons et les magasins des bahaïes étaient immunes contre les attaques. C’était un Kurdistan où le port du voile n’était pas forcé, où ne versait pas d’acide sur le visage des femmes, immun contre les attaques aux institutions et conseils populaires et la fermeture des presses indépendantes et libérales, et où les étudiants et les organisations politiques étaient protégés contre les attaques. Au contraire le Kurdistan a fait ses efforts pour trouver ses voies par ses moyens disponibles. Dès le début, le Kurdistan était pour un mouvement laïque et démocratique, qui n’était pas supporté par les gouverneurs, qui avaient le rêve d’établir d’un système régressif et qui gérait tout le pouvoir et la richesse du pays. L’île libre du Kurdistan devait se tremper dans l’océan de la bigoterie et l’arriération. Le Kurdistan était la victime de son libéralisme puisque la fortification de gouvernance de Valayat-e-Faqih ne se réalisait que par la répression du Kurdistan et c’est pourquoi le régime a préparé cette attaque.

« Le mouvement de la résistance des peuples Kurdes » était le nom du mouvement à cette époque, se composait de la résistance négative et civile et politique et la résistance armée et résistance Peshmerga et ce n’était pas le plan ou la stratégie d’un seul groupe, mais il était un mouvement littéralement populaire et répandu avec la participation de toutes les classes des peuples du Kurdistan et cela est devenu le rayonnement de la volonté du peuple Kurde pour défendre leurs propres droits ,leurs libertés et leur propre dignité et marginalisait tout qui ne le rejoignait pas. Le Komala inspirait la résistance des peuples Kurdes contre l’attaque non-justifiée et opprimante  plus que d’autres forces politiques en Kurdistan. Son manifeste «Les peuples Kurdes mis en examen » a été publié immédiatement après l’ordre de Khomeini. Le Komala a pratiquement décrit son intention dans ce manifeste pour l’organisation d’une résistance de masse et il s’est mis à la hauteur de cette résistance populaire. Cette résistance répandue et dure a réussi à vaincre les forces du régime de la république islamique et amener le régime à la table de négociation avec les représentants des peuples de Kurdistan. « La délégation des peuples Kurdes » composée de déléguées des parties et les personnages militants dans le mouvement Kurde, était le fruit de cette coopération précieuse. En dépit de la venue à contrecœur  des représentants du régime de la République Islamique à la table de négociation, ils revitalisaient leur organisation, renforçaient leurs forces et se préparaient pour une nouvelle attaque vers le Kurdistan. Ils tentaient aussi de créer une division entre les partis Kurdes en les stigmatisant et désintégrant la délégation des peuples Kurdes.

Enfin, le régime de la république islamique a réalisé une nouvelle attaque militaire vers le Kurdistan en avril 1980. Les villes et les villages de Kurdistan ont été sous l’attaque et le bombardement du régime. Les peuples Kurdes ont crée des scènes rayonnantes de la résistance et de la solidarité. Après plusieurs années de conflits sanguins et impitoyables, les gardes révolutionnaires et les forces de répression du régime de la république islamique ont réussi à occuper ce territoire mais ils n’ont pas réussie à ternir la forte volonté des peuples Kurdes. Durant cette lutte et cette résistance tenace et difficile et légitime, le Komala a perdu près de deux milles de ses meilleurs membres mais avec cette sacrifice ils ont pu fortifier leur lien avec des peuples et pour toujours cette sacrifice sera gravé sur les pages d’histoire de Kurdistan.

L’infructueuse expérience du parti communiste de l’Iran

Pour le Komala, en ce qui concerne ses implications, la formation du parti communiste était l’un de ses objectifs politiques, mais vu les circonstances politiques, le Komala a dû faire accélérer le processus de cette création. Le parti communiste de l’Iran a été fondé en septembre 1983 dans les circonstances durant lesquelles la république islamique avait commencé son bain de sang pour la consolidation de sa domination réactionnaire; Les militants syndicaux et les militants de gauche et démocrates étaient sous une grande pression et leurs membres étaient arrêtés, leurs organisations se désintégraient par le régime l’un après l’autre et le régime exécutaient de nombreux membres de leur groupes. Le Komala croyait que à l’égard de leur influence et leur base parmi les peuples dans tout le Kurdistan, tout le reste des militants de gauche et militants libéraux s’uniraient et la lutte unie contre le régime de la république islamique se développera dans tout le territoire iranien. Il supposait que les prochaines vagues de la révolution auront détruit le système de la république islamique, qui avait confisqué la révolution, et on sera face à une nouvelle révolution transcendantale et cette fois-ci dans une forme libérale et progressiste. Mais il était quand même évident dans ce scénario, le Komala et le mouvement communiste profitait des forces unifiées comme le mouvement syndical et le mouvement libéral de l’Iran et ne sera le seul à subir les pressions du régime de la république islamique. La même mentalité était courante auprès du conseil national de la résistance iranienne et ainsi que chez les membres kurdes n’ayant aucune affiliation de gauche et qui auront joint ce conseil après.

Les expériences ont démontré que malgré l’esprit de dévotion et les efforts honnêtes du Komala et la dépense et la dédicacions des ressources humaines, le parti communiste de l’Iran n’a non seulement réussi à tenir ses paroles et mais ils ne se sont pas rapprochés de ses objectifs et finalement ce projet est resté inabouti et infructueuse. A l’égard des illusions profondes et la dispersion énorme et l’absence d’une alternative démocratique crédible, la domination de dictature fichiste de Velayat-e-Faqih s’est consolidée et la perspective d’une révolution ou un nouveau soulèvement a disparu dans l’horizon. Le mouvement des ouvriers a été réprimé, les mouvements des femmes et des étudiants ont violemment été écrasé, Turkaman-Sahra et Ahwaz sont devenu des bains de sang, les crayons ont été cassés par l’ordre de Khomeini et les presses ont été fermé et le parti communiste de l’Iran n’a ajouté aucun force au Komala, sauf au début de sa création et dans cas très limités, et il n’a jamais trouvé aucune base parmi les ouvriers, les femmes, les étudiants, les intellectuels, les commerçants ou d’autre classe. Ce mouvement n’a pas réussi à faire des racines, n’a pu organiser aucune organisation ou aucun acte politique.

Au début de sa création, le chef du parti était conscient de ce point faible et il a fait des efforts afin de le restaurer et le modifier et il définissait le Komala comme un modèle pour tous les autres partis communistes de l’Iran. Mais prochainement, lorsque les fondateurs du parti n’ont pas réussi à apporter du succès remarquable et lorsqu’ils étaient questionnés pour ses activités et leur incapacité, ils sont entrés dans leurs illusions idéologiques mélancoliques et à la place de répondre aux questions, ils promettaient à leurs partisans la terre promise. Ce parti se croyait comme le représentant de tous les ouvriers du pays et il croyait qu’il portait la solution finale pour résoudre tous les problèmes du monde pendant que ses membres n’ont jamais interagis avec les ouvriers de l’Iran et ils n’ont pas pu jamais attirer leur attention. L’explication dynamique et réaliste du Komala sur le rôle des mouvements sociaux durant les évolutions politiques a été oubliée. Pour le Komala, l’opposition au discours de la démocratie,  la négligence voir l’inimité avec toute sorte de mouvement réel en Iran et le déni obstiné des évolutions qui avaient lieu dans le monde, étaient un signe de leur force théorique. Les mouvements réels et terrestres étaient considérés crasseux et ils étaient tous méprisés et déniés et de plus en plus. La libération est passée d’un fait terrestre et universel à un fruit de la transcendance idéologique. A la place de concevoir et élaborer des politiques claires, ils ont choisi la voie de la stupéfaction des autres et d’eux même. Au lieu d’analyser et de réviser leurs politiques, ils se sont dirigés vers la calomnie superficielle et la création d’ennemies.
Finalement durant les dernières années, le Komala est devenu la cible de l’attaque et du mépris. Etant incapable de conduire ce mouvement, voir d’établir une action politique, de revoir ses points de vue vis à vis de la problématique nationale des kurdes et face à son déni concernant le mouvement de la libération du Kurdistan,  la tradition rayonnante du Komala était menacée. Le Komala était censé devenir un modèle de réussite sociale et populaire. Pour autant toutes les flèches étaient dirigées vers lui, et les traditions populaires. Il ne faut pas ignorer que durant cette période La lourde charge de la lutte contre les répressions impitoyables de la dictature de la république islamique en Kurdistan étaient supportées par les cadres, Les peshmergas et les militants politiques du Komala dont les services, les sacrifices et les durs travaux étaient des exemples d’inspirations pour les jeunes militants du Komala.
Brièvement, en Kurdistan, le parti communiste n’a, non seulement rendu aucun service au Komala, mais leur a en plus posé des problèmes  En démotivant et dispersant les kurdes. Les conséquences de ces actions n’ont pas complètement été effacées. La forme, le cadre théorique et organisationnel du parti communiste sont comme un charge supplémentaire sur les épaules du Komala Les aspects positifs populaires et réalistes du Komala ont été  détériorés sous l’influence de l’idéologie et la culture du parti communiste et le mouvement du Kurdistan a faillit perdre sa force avant-gardiste et engagée.
La résolution de ce problème n’a été trouvée que lorsque le Komala s’est détaché des structures théorique et politique du parti communiste de l’Iran et s’est reconstruis sur des bases correctes.

La reconstruction du parti Komala et ouvrir des nouveaux horizons

Le projet de reconstruction du Komala, résultat de plusieurs années de débat et de travail théorique et politique, a été réalisé en 2000. Cette reconstruction était la troisième période importante de la vie du Komala. A cette époque, une fois encore le Komala du Kurdistan de l’Iran a pu retrouver sa position dans la société kurde et iranienne par la révision critique de certains de ses idées et de ses anciennes politiques. Par cette reconstruction en se fondant sur ses traditions populaires progressistes et réalistes et en tenant compte des évolutions mondiales, le Komala a réussi à consolider sa position digne comme étant un parti avant-gardiste et important du Kurdistan auprès des élites politiques et des intellectuels, mais aussi auprès des jeunes, des étudiants et des militants politiques. Un parti qui peut percevoir et comprendre les nouvelles circonstances et qui peut poursuivre ses objectifs dans un monde nouveau avec des nouveaux composants. Cette reconstruction multi-face idéologique et politique a apporté de l’enthousiasme et de l’espoir et de la confiance aux anciens militants, aux amateurs du Komala et a tous les peuples du Kurdistan. Cette restructuration a développé les bases du Komala parmi les peuples et pour une nouvelle fois, elle a consolidé la position du parti comme un parti scout dans le mouvement kurde et a également fortifié son action conductrice. Par cette voie, de nouveaux horizons politiques pour le Kurdistan ont été ouverts. Le cours des évènements et l’expérience vivante du Kurdistan durant la dernière décennie et particulièrement durant le mouvement pro-démocratie de l’année 2009, ont avérés les politiques du Komala et sa position auprès des différentes classes de la société kurde et des militants du mouvement pro-démocratie dans tout l’Iran a été consolidée.
La création et le développement du Komala ont été faits à la suite d’évolutions sociales, politiques et culturelles dans les circonstances dures de la dictature du Shah. Depuis ce temps le Komola était capable de répondre correctement aux exigences sociales et politiques par la participation active durant la révolution de l’Iran et puis par la conduction du mouvement du Kurdistan durant ces-années. Cela était le signe de compétence du Komala dans la perception profonde et réaliste de la nécessités du temps et trouver les formes socialement correctes de lutte à l’époque.Le projet de la reconstruction du Komala qui a été fait en 2000 après plusieurs années de débats et d’échanges et de révision a abouti à son détachement du parti communiste de l’Iran. C’était le résultat d’une révision profonde des circonstances socio-politique mondiale et régional mais aussi la critique des idées du parti communiste de l’Iran et une correcte analyse des besoins sociaux et politiques de cette époque qui ont parmi de répondre à ces besoins et d’établir ce que doit faire le Komala et une gauche sociale réaliste. Cette reconstruction démontrait également un nouvel horizon pour un Kurdistan moderne, démocrate, vertueux et prônant la justice par le Komala. La reconstruction du Komala était en même temps une nouvelle naissance et le commencement d’une nouvelle ère pour le développement, l’influence et la maturité politique de ce mouvement, mais aussi un point positif dans notre vie politique.
La chute du bloc de l’Union Soviétique et la discréditation des systèmes sociaux et politiques ont amenés le communisme a remettre en en question leur crédibilité morale et notamment après la discréditation du maoïsme et du modèle chinois. Cela a été l’origine des grandes évolutions dans le monde et a forcé les militants progressistes et de gauche du monde, à trouver de nouvelles solutions. Le Komala n’a pas accepté la direction prise par le Socialisme, et l’Union Soviétique n’était pas son modèle. Le Komala était le symbole d’une gauche indépendante et réaliste qui critiquait le système de l’Union Soviétique et affirmait sa distinction claire avec le stalinisme depuis son deuxième congrès en avril 1981. Ce point de vu était l’une des composantes de son intuition politique et c’est pourquoi pendant plusieurs années il a été libellé et accusé par les partisans et défendeurs de l’Union Soviétique tel que le Tudeh.  Par contre, la tradition et l’héritage de l’Union Soviétique a inévitablement été connus comme le camp du communisme dans le monde entier et est devenu une tradition et un héritage indécente et non demandé qui limitait à la fois les partis et les affiliations de gauches, voire les critiques de cet héritage, dans le monde.
Les catastrophes de l’époque de Stalin, les procès de Moscou, l’assassinat de nombreux leaders de la révolution d’octobre, la collectivisation forcée, la mort en masse de millions de gens, particulièrement des agriculteurs, la dictature et la torture, l’établissement des camps de travail forcé, les exiles intérieurs des groupes ethniques et des peuples non-russe, l’extorsion, la discrimination ,la répression brutale à leur encontre , le manque de liberté politique et d’expression, la transformation de la presse et de la littérature comme un moyen d’éloge et d’admiration banale des progrès et de la flatterie des autorités et du système gouvernemental, la transformation des partis communistes des autres pays, particulièrement ceux de pays de tiers monde, aux acteurs pour faire avancer leur politique extérieur et et beaucoup d’autres facteurs ont fait que la chute de l’Union Soviétique était la conséquence de la discréditation du communisme. L’exemple de la chine, malgré sa croissance économique, ne peut en aucun cas créditer le communisme faute de justice sociale et à cause de la dictature politique et de sa politique extérieure. Le déclin du mouvement mondial appelé le Communisme ainsi que celui des partis qui se revendiquent de cette identité dans tous les pays du monde est un fait politique dans le monde d’aujourd’hui. La reconstruction du Komala au cours de l’année 2000 ne pouvait et ne devait plus ignore ce fait universel et les limites de L’expérience négative appelé le Communisme.
Les évènements ci dessous sont à l’origine de la nécessaire révision du Komala :
La fin de la guerre froide, l’apparition du discours de la démocratie et des droits de l’ homme dans le monde, la chute des dictatures, la révolutions des informations et celle de la communication, la lucidité politique etc. avec les évolutions intellectuelles et politiques intérieur de l’Iran, la faillite du modèle économique, social et culturel de la gouvernance islamique, la chute de la détérioration de l’hégémonie idéologique du régime islamique et la victoire du discours de la démocratie, les droits civils parmi les élites politiques et culturelles de la société, le changement dans l’arrangement des oppositions et leurs affiliations et finalement les évolutions qu’ont vécu le mouvement kurde et iranien. Utiliser l’ancienne structure théorique, politique et organisationnelle fermée et dogmatique nous isolait dans le camp communiste et nous empêchaient aussi d’améliorer notre relation avec la nouvelle génération et profiter du nouveau discours pour cet objectif. Malgré les recherches et la méthode dynamique du Komala par le passé, le parti communiste de l’Iran l’avait emprisonné dans une coque inflexible et dur de ses dogmes. Dans cette situation nous ne pouvions pas identifier les défis et nous n’étions pas capable de lutter contre eux et nous ne pouvions pas non plus bénéficier des opportunités qui nous étaient offertes. Non seulement, nous avons perdu notre avant-gardisme théorique et politique mais on nous a marginalisé.

Après avoir diagnostiqué et compris ces évolutions, le Komala devait faire l’objet d’une nouvelle révision, d’une lecture moderne et d’une adaptation aux nécessitées du monde moderne. Cette révision s’accordait parfaitement aux idées premières du Komala, le contexte social, les bases de masse du Komala, son appui sur les mouvements sociaux et les mouvement populaires et elle s’accordait également avec l’approche intellectuelle et le réalisme politique du Komala, le libéralisme et son indépendance théorique. En conséquence, la reconstruction du Komala a été la renaissance du Komala fondée  sur ses racines initiales et historiques et sur une meilleure tradition populaire. Sa mentalité dynamique et sociale et en même temps son adaptation aux évolutions mondiales, intérieurs et ses efforts pour faire triompher ses objectifs face aux défît et aux opportunités du temps moderne.

Komala : Objectifs et politiques

Le Komala du Kurdistān de l’Iran est un parti socialiste qui croit en justice sociale et il lutte contre les inégalités et les injustices sociales. En première ordre, Le Komala est représentant et défendeur des droits et intérêts des ouvriers, des employés à salaire modeste, des femmes, des jeunes et des classes opprimées. Il s’engage aussi à assurer les droits économiques, sociaux, politiques et culturels de ceux derniers et il s’efforce afin qu’ils puissent se trouver dans une position plus propice. Le Komala s’engage  à assurer le droit de la participation du public dans les prises de décision sociales au niveau local et national. Le Komala s’efforce d’assurer ; la justice sociale, l’égalité des chances, le droit de travail progressiste, la liberté des associations et des syndicats, le syndicalisme libre et indépendant des ouvriers tel que: le droit de la création des syndicats de travailleur, avoir la sécurité sociale, le droit au chômage et le droit à la santé publique, le droit à l’éducation gratuite ainsi que l’éducation dans la langue maternelle pour tous les enfants et jeunes iraniens, le droit d’accès aux moyens de confort et d’épanouissement. Actuellement Le Komala se prépare à adhérer au Socialiste International étant un pôle social et politique dans le monde.

Les identifiants principaux du Komala et ses partisans s’impliquent de : défendre persistement la démocratie et les droits des peuples et leur respect, mettre des mouvements sociaux, comme un acteur principal dans le changement social, au centre d’attention, valoriser les initiatives locales, les faire épanouir et les nourrir, persister sur la justice sociale et le doits des travailleur et ceux des peuples à salaire-bas, résister inflexiblement contre le régime dictatorial de la république islamique, lutter sans arrêt pour les droits nationaux des peuples Kurdes et être le scout en proposition de plan des nouvelles solutions. Des milliers de partisans du Komala ont perdu leur vie en vue de réaliser ces objectifs équitables.

Le Komala du Kurdistan de l’Iran met en évidence particulièrement la démocratisation complète de la vie politique et sociale dans la société iranienne. Le Komala lutte dans ce chemin pour la séparation intégrale de l’état et de la religion, l’égalité totale entre les femmes et les hommes, la liberté politique, liberté d’expression et de la presse, liberté d’union et d’association et de syndicats, la loi constitutionnelle démocratique, moderne et progressiste et mettre un terme à l’oppression et la discrimination nationale, ethnique, linguistique, sexuelle, religieuse et doctrinale. Le Komala croit que la réalisation d’une démocratie durable et réelle dans le pays n’est faisable que par la résolution du problématique de discrimination nationale, ethnique linguistique et religieuse en Iran. De ce fait, il est pour un système fédératif dans lequel les peuples Kurdes de Kurdistan de l’Iran peuvent élir leurs organismes administrateurs par la voie des urnes. Concernant la structure politique du prochain état en Iran, Le Komala défend d’un système démocratique, laïque, pluraliste et fédératif.

Le Komala était contre l’affiliation politique l’islam fondamentaliste, voire avant l’établissement de la république islamique en Iran, et quant à cela il est bien reconnu comme un parti ferme et sans ambiguïté dans l’histoire de Kurdistan et il n’a jamais compromis sur ces valeurs avec le régime de la république islamique et ses fondements intellectuels et politique. Le Komala reconnait toujours la république islamique comme l’ennemi principal des peuples iraniens et des peuples Kurdes et la barrière principale du développement, du progrès et de la liberté. Il aide la lutte unie du peuple à démanteler ce régime. Le Komala de Kurdistan de l’Iran a toujours cru et croit que la création d’une coalition envahissante pour la démocratie en Iran sera nécessaire. Cette coalition devrait être faite sur la base d’un accord sur une charte démocratique, soit en vue de changement du régime soit pour la démocratisation de l’Iran d’après la république islamique et Le Komala coopère avec cette coalition en maintenant ses positions.

Le Komala est le parti leader dans le mouvement de la libération des peuples Kurdes en vue d’atteindre la liberté et ses droits politiques et culturelles légitimes. Le Komala est actif dans ce mouvement et sa conduite depuis plus de quarante ans; une trentaine d’années après la révolutions de l’Iran et une décennie d’activité souterraine et glorieuse durant le régime du shah. Le Komala s’engage également à renforcer ce mouvement et à le faire triompher et il a clairement insisté sur le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples Kurdes depuis sa création en 1969 et il était toujours à la pointe afin d’assurer les droits nationaux des peuples Kurdes et de réaliser les stratégies et les plans pour atteindre cet objectif.
Le Komala est le premier parti du Kurdistān de l’Iran qui a défini le fédéralisme comme sa politique. Cela a été félicité par le public et a été devenu le principal objectif des peuples du Kurdistan. Le fédéralisme a ainsi commencé à trouver sa position dans les idées des militants politique du pays. Le Komala félicite bien le développement du champ de conscience nationale des Kurdes vers les régions du sud du Kurdistan de l’Iran tel que Kermânchâh et Ilam et il s’efforce de renforcer la solidarité entre toutes les régions Kurdes.

Le Komala a l’intention de résoudre le problème des Kurdes de manière pacifique mais il reconnaît bien le droit légitime des peuples de Kurdistan pour résister et se défendre et se protéger contre toutes intimidation et répression violentes et militaires, tant qu’il reconnaît bien la résistance des peuples du Kurdistan contre l’attaque agressive et injustifiée de la république islamique comme un acte nécessaire et légitime et il le voit comme une page rayonnante dans l’histoire de la lutte des peuples Kurdes.

Du point de vue de l’intérêt des peuples Kurdes, Le Komala essaie de faire connaître ce mouvement légitime au niveau régional et mondial et de présenter son image démocratique et juste au monde.

Le Komala soutien la lutte équitable des peuples Kurdes et d’autres parties du Kurdistan et il présente sa solidarité avec eux et il est prêt à échanger et coopérer avec les partis politiques et leurs représentants. Il dénonce ainsi l’ingérence dans les affaires intérieures des autres parties et croit que l’ingérence irresponsable n’a  envenimé que les relations entre les parties Kurdes et elle a toujours été rejetée et n’a jamais été félicitée par la société.

Le Komala est le fruit du mouvement social et les initiatives locales et durant ces tentantes années, il est toujours évoqué par les périodes les importantes de ce mouvement populaire ; La migration historique de Marivan, les associations des agriculteurs, les syndicats des ouvriers, « les peuples défenseurs de la liberté et les droits des peuples Kurdes » dans les villes du Kurdistan, les « Bonkés » et les conseils des quartiers de Sanandaj, les conseils et d’autres institutions publiques dans les villes et les villages du Kurdistan, les syndicats des enseignants, les associations des étudiants et des lycéens, les associations des femmes et de nombreux mouvements populaire et associations sociales et civiles ont fait partie des innovations du Komala dans la société de Kurdistan et cela a été devenu l’un des identifiants du Komala. Le mouvement de protestation répandu des villes de Kurdistan en été 2005 et les grèves générales réussies de mai 2010 contre les exécutions démontrent des autres exemples remarquables du grand potentiel du mouvement Kurdistan et le rôle opérationnel du Komala dans la mobilisation du publique. Aujourd’hui et vu les circonstances mondiales et régionales, le Komala essaie de bien s’intégrer dans les mouvements sociaux, ceux des travailleurs, les mouvements féministes, ceux des étudiants et différents mouvements civils, Il coopère avec eux afin qu’il puisse les défendre et les présenter dans tout le Kurdistan.

Le Komala a toujours lutté pour la démocratie dans le Kurdistan et il croit que le Kurdistan libre devrait non seulement être libre de l’oppression nationale mais aussi de sa dictature et sa tyrannie intérieur. Le Komala a été le défenseur principal de la pro-démocratisme et les droits civils des peuples en Kurdistan et il a subi des blessures pour cet objectif.

Durant les anciennes décennies, le parti luttait pour la liberté des femmes et leurs droits. Défendre courageusement des droits des femmes, reconnaître un rôle leader pour les femmes et leur dédier des postes qui appartenaient aux hommes auparavant et surmonter et dépasser les limites qui ont été considérées comme les lignes rouges pour de nombreux partis à l’époque. Cela fait partie des méthodes qui ont été établi par l’initiative de Komala en Kurdistan. Il était également le premier parti dans tout Kurdistan qui a formé des Peshmergas femmes et leur a dédié des responsabilités politiques et organisatrices importantes. Cela était tellement progressiste qu’aux avis public, a été devenu l’un des identifiants du Komala. La lutte contre les traditions passéiste et dédaigneuse anti-femme, la suppression des effets de discriminations contre elles, l’abrogation de toutes les lois qui mettent les femmes dans une position salariale, économique, sociale et familiale inférieur et assurer l’égalité intégrale entre les femmes et les hommes sont les responsabilités fondamentales du Komala. Il croit que ni la démocratie, ni le droit de l’homme, ni le mouvement Kurde et ni le socialisme réel ne seront atteignable sans l’établissement de la liberté et l’égalité totale des femmes.

Le Komala est le parti défenseur de la société civile et pluraliste, et la culture progressiste en Kurdistan et l’épiphanie des objectifs libéraux, démocratiques et modernes des peuples Kurdes. Le Komala est contre les traditions arriérées et nocives qui agissent particulièrement contre les femmes, les enfants et les classes opprimées de la société. Il tente également de les supprimer par la voie législative et ainsi que l’explication, la sensibilisation, l’éducation et le changement de coutume.

L’Iran et le Kurdistan sont face aux désastres environnementaux. Du point de vue long-terme pour l’intérêt actuel et futur des peuples du Kurdistan, le Komala défend le droit de la protection et du maintien responsable de l’environnement et il est pour l’usage optimisé des ressources naturelles du Kurdistan, tel que de l’eau et du sol, des forêts et de nombreux ressources souterraines, et il ne supporte aucun gaspillage, négligence et pillage des ressources naturelles.

Le Komala du Kurdistan de l’Iran persiste sur la liberté de toutes les religions et la neutralité de l’état vis à vis à toutes les religions. L’accent sur ce problématique spécial est fort important vu la discrimination religieuse de la république islamique vis à vis les peuples Kurdes. L’incrédulité et la religion sera personnel et devra être protégé de la réquisition de l’état. Sunnite, Chiite, Yârésan, Chrétien, Bahaï et les croyants d’autres religions seront libres dans le Kurdistan libre et toute extorsion, discrimination religieuse et ainsi hostilité et incitation la haine religieuse devront être supprimées comme le régime de la république islamique.

Le Komala supporte tous les mouvements démocratiques, le mouvement ouvrier, le ceux des femmes et des étudiants et d’autres mouvements sociaux progressiste afin de renforcer la démocratie et les affiliations pro-démocrates. Si nécessaire à la continuité de ses objectifs, il se permet également de participer dans les coalitions politiques en vue de démanteler la dictature gouvernante, en maintenant son indépendance.

Le Komala reconnaît la déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme et il s’efforce de les appliquer comme une base pour la vie et l’interaction de l’état et les peuples de l’Iran y compris les peuples du Kurdistan. A cet égard, Le Komala défend  l’abrogation de la peine de mort et son approbation dans la loi constitutionnelle de l’Iran de futur.

Le Komala insiste sur le pluralisme en Iran et en Kurdistan comme l’un des fruits de croissance et développement social et la modernité dans la société. Il respect cette valeur et il la protège et il croit que le retour aux monopartisme ou la monopolisation des partis ne sera ni possible ni utile. D’après Le Komala, cela empêche la prospérité politique et intellectuelle et la compétition loyale et saine. Dans ces circonstances, l’unité de la lutte des peuples de Kurdistan, qui est crucial, devrait être assurée par la coopération, la création des syndicats et des coalitions politiques et des fronts Kurdistanais.

A l’égard de cette affiliation, le Komala refuse l’usage de toute sorte de violence dans les libres concurrences politiques y compris en ce qui concerne les partis et les groupes politique du mouvement du Kurdistan. Il pense que l’avenir du Kurdistan devrait être défini par la voie des élections et les urnes quelque soient les services que Komala a rendu aux peuples Kurdes auparavant, même si ils méritent une reconnaissance. Comme toujours, le Komala respecte toutes les affiliations politiques de tous les citoyens et il croit que le choix d’un chemin politique et le parti politique, y compris joindre à un parti ou se détacher d’un autre parti, devrait être considéré comme un acte libre. Les violents affrontements doivent être refusées, relativement dans un document commun, par tous les partis et tout les routes vers les affrontements et les guerres civiles devront être bloqués par l’adhésion à la charte commune. Quant à l’histoire de la lutte armée et que des partis Kurdes étaient toujours armés, Il reconnaissait légitime le droit des peuples Kurdes à se défendre contre l’oppression et la répression. De ce fait, il faut établir les normes d’une société civile, démocratique et légitime en Kurdistan et enlever toutes les barrières sur le chemin du développement et la prospérité politique et culturelle du futur de Kurdistan.

La création d’un front uni Kurdistanais est l’un des priorités dans les politiques du Komala et cela fait des années que le parti s’efforce de le créer parmi les partis et institutions et les personnages du Kurdistan. Malgré l’avis favorable des peuples Kurdes sur cette idée, l’absence de ce front est ressenti et le Komala insiste toujours sur cet appel et il le soutien. Il croit que la réalisation de ce front sera l’un des moyens efficaces dans son lutte contre la république islamique et ce sera à la servitude du volonté nationale des peuples Kurdes et la fortification de leur position politique en Iran.

Le Komala est contre l’inimité avec le monde y compris l’anti-occidentalisme passéiste et aveugle, établie par l’islam politique en Iran. Il croit que l’indépendance politique et l’interaction constructive avec le monde et particulièrement avec les pays voisins devraient être la politique extérieure de l’Iran.

Le Komala du Kurdistan de l’Iran refuse ; la politique extérieure aventuriste du régime de la république islamique, le soutien du terrorisme et son exportation au monde, l’incitation des disputes et de la haine religieuse au moyen orient, la création  de tension et de l’insécurité dans la région y compris la quête pour les armes nucléaires. Il reconnaît le régime gouverneur coupable pour l’isolement, les limites politiques économiques et technologiques qu’a subi l’Iran. Le Komala affirme qu’à la place d’une image violente et pro-tension et pro-superstitions- démontré par le régime de république islamique- un Iran démocratique, économiquement fort et culturellement progressiste, pourra influencer positivement sur toute la région et apporter le maximum de sécurité et du confort à son peuple.

D’après nous, assurer le développement économique durable avec la justice sociale et la protection de l’environnement seront la politique économique correct pour l’Iran.
Les décalages en Kurdistan sont l’un côté dus à la discrimination long-terme dans les domaines d’investissement et de constructions et de développement économique et de l’autre côté ils sont dus à la corruption et la mauvaise gestion. Supprimer ces décalages dans le Kurdistan sera l’un des priorités du Komala dans le futur de l’Iran.

January 11, 2016 Comments are off admin

Treatment of the members of the Komala party of Iranian Kurdistan and Kurdish Democratic Party (KDPI) by Islamic Republic

Komala Party is one of Iran’s opposition parties in Kurdistan. The Islamic Republic of Iran’s policy of destroying and annihilating the opposition has embraced Komala as well. Arrest, imprisonment and execution of Komala activists are one of the open and official policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. According to the laws of the Islamic Republic Regime of Iran, if a woman is sentenced to death, she must be deflowered before her execution, and hence the victim is raped. There are evidences that demonstrate the authorities would take blood from prisoners before their executions, to be used for Pasdaran [Revolutionary Guards]. The assassination of well known members and the leadership of the opposition, and in particular Komala, has taken place both at home and abroad.
It is not only the activists themselves who are in danger of persecution of the authorities, but also the family members of the Komala and other parties active in Kurdish areas are often under threat and are persecuted as well. On many occasions family members of Komala activists have been imprisoned by the security forces of the Islamic Republic, in order to force the activists to surrender themselves to the authorities. The confiscation of the belongings and the funds of the members and supporters of Komala is yet another tactic of the Iranian Regime. The arrest of Komala activists by the Islamic republic forces follows a particular pattern. Initially, the local security and intelligence authorities of the Regime, as expected, concoct an excuse for arresting the activist, for example accusation of other illegal activities. Most often these accusations include spying, holding weapons or other devices, or smuggling narcotic substances. However, this is not the case at times. In some cases, the person has been targeted for merely possessing a pamphlet or a CD which is about Komala.
Albeit the experiences and psychological traumas suffered by each individual are unique, however, one can observe a similar method in all of them. They are often accused of connections with Komala, without having any credible evidence. Many people are arrested and kept imprisoned without any charges, or after months being arrested, are kept without having any access to a solicitor or going through the judicial process.

Sometimes their charges are changed many times, without informing them on time or at an appropriate time, or they are charged with new charges. Many of them are kept in prison for a long time and are persecuted and tortured. All of these demonstrate that the Islamic Republic has pinpointed Komala activists on purpose and wishes to annihilate them physically. In most instances, after performing the executions, the bodies are buried in unknown places, far away from their families and people.

January 11, 2016 Comments are off admin

Iran’s Kurdish Communities

Iran’s Kurdistan is situated in the west and northwest of Iran, whose majority of the population are Kurds. They live in the Western and Eastern Azerbaijan, Ilam, Kermanshah, Kurdistan, Lurestan and parts of North Khorasan and Khorasann-e-Razavi provinces. Iranian Kurds comprise more than 14% of Iran’s population and are numbered around 12 millions. The majority of Kurds reside in Kermanshah and Ilam provinces, are Shiites and some are Sunnites.
A considerable number of Shiite Kurds live in Lurestan province. The Kurds living in Khorasan are also Shiite. In Kurdistan province and parts of the Western and Eastern Azerbaijan, the Kurds are Sunnite. There is about 50,000 households Yazidi’s Amongst the Kurds. In addition, some are known as Yarsan and Ahl-e Hagh as well. The rest of the Kurds are Christians and Jews. There are no accurate data about the number of none- believers amongst Kurdish citizens. However, they are also part of the Kurdish population.
In order to achieve their rights and democracy, the Kurds have fought against oppression and suppression of the Regime, during the entire life of Islamic Republic, and have been massacred a number of times. In 1979, Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, ordered a Jihad against the people of Kurdistan. Hundreds of thousands of the military forces attacked Kurdistan. They executed thousands in the cities of Sanandaj, Marivan, Paveh, Saghez and Mahabad. In September 1979, the military forces of the
Islamic Republic executed the whole population of a village, namely “Ghareney”. During the same month, hundreds of people were massacred from Ghalatan, Inderghash, Halabi, Sophiyan and other villages. During August 1988, after the end of the 8-year-war between Iran and Iraq, thousands of political prisoners were executed and a considerable number of them were Kurds. On 22nd February 1999, during a peaceful demonstration of people of Sanadaj city, which became known as “3rd Esfand [22 February] Uprising”, tens of people were murdered by the military forces. In 2005, there were a number of public uprisings in Kurdish cities against the suppression and oppression in Iran. This was in reaction to the murder of a young man, namely Shovaneh Seyed Ghader, from Mahabad. During this uprising, which was peaceful to begin with and the military forces made it violent; [as a result] tens of people were killed in the streets of Kurdistan.

January 9, 2016 Comments are off admin


Who we are

Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan: Who we are; Identity and Aims

This document was presented to the 13th Congress of Komala, after the debated, it was ratified by a near unanimous vote by the representatives. It demonstrates the outlook, history, aims and practical means adopted by the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan. It is to be treated as the guidance for the leadership of Komala and all party committees, organs and members and is to be the basis of justification of the policies, enlightening actions and political teachings. In addition, Komala’s program of action for managing the economical and political issues in Kurdish society which are to be devised, shall be based on these aims and aspirations.

Social and political backgrounds of the formation of Komala:

Komala was established in the autumn of 1969 and if we wish to be more accurate on the 27 October of that year, amidst the situation in Kurdistan, Iran and the world, by the Kurdish university students, as a left wing political organisation. Taking in to consideration the dictatorship situation and the monarchic despotism that did not tolerate the slightest political activities, it was forced to commence its activities as an underground organisation, very much like all other political formations. The establishment of Komala at the time was due to a series of deep social, political and cultural upheavals in the Kurdish and Iranian society. On the other hand, it was itself a response and a solution to those needs which were put forward by these upheavals. By the formation of Komala, and then its active participation and leading role during the events of the Iranian revolution, and further continued by its presence in the popular Kurdish resistance movement and the movement of liberating the Kurdish people, political and social struggles in Kurdistan, it entered a new phase and was moulded into a new form and contents. The economical reforms of the early 1960’s, in the old monarchical regime, were implemented in those days under the political and economical influences both nationally and internationally. They caused tremendous transformations and resulted in deep and lasting political, economical and cultural consequences, one of which was the Iranian revolution in 1979. The collapse of the feudalistic infrastructure and the accompanying closed economy, pushed Iran completely towards the world market and the needs of the international capital, which had started from the early 1960’s and was in full force for nearly a decade and half. Notable development of urbanisation and the formation of a widespread wage earning working class, which in Kurdistan, due to a lack of constructive and economical projects in this region, resulted in the migration to the cities and manufacturing centres in other parts of the country and this new working class found a migrant character in itself. The emerging widespread stratum of the educated people and the emergence of students and university students, as a new social stratum and the higher education coming out of the monopoly of the royalty or affluent classes and its penetration through the lower and middle classes of the society, and consequently the formation of a social mechanism that would attract and transform a new world thinking and culture, would help to make new demands in the society. The cracks in the traditional society and its old relations, the eradication of patriarchy and the formation of a new generation, who was not satisfied with the old way of living and was seeking for its fair share from the society and the world, the entrance of a relatively large section of women in to the world of education and employment market, and in consequence the beginning of the change in their traditional role in the society, all in all, these changes made tremendous transition in the world outlook, culture, perception and spirit of various stratum and in particular the workers, women, youths and the educated masses. And, it brought with itself new social demands and wishes that sooner or later could not be not translated into politics and political struggle. All these economical, social and cultural upheavals in Iran, were happening in the midst of tremendous transformations in production, technology and economical development, and also in politics and culture on a world arena. The expansion of world market to all corners of the globe, accelerating and ceaseless economical development after the second world war, during nearly three decades in the advanced capitalist countries, which is known as the golden era of capitalist development; the increase in wages and the enhancement of economical and social rights of the workers; the establishment of massive achievements such as social security and free universal health insurance; free education; trade union rights; mothers’, children and unemployment rights; and so on, in one word, what was known as the welfare state, which itself was gained through the struggles of the workers and the progressive forces which was identified with world social democracy. The widespread growth of feminism and women’s rights and their massive participating role in the society, the notable increase of the role of the youths in the society and achieving relatively large economical independence, together with notable transformation in the culture, lifestyle, music, literature and alike, the final collapse of the remainder of the colonial system in the world, the improvement and exaltation of labour movements, the spread of liberation movements in the third world and anti-war movement in the West, the emergence and popularity of guerrilla movements as an alternative against the military and police dictatorships in Latin America and some third world countries, the emergence of a new left in Europe which was independent of the Soviet system and then in the rest of the world, which was unwilling to accept the Soviet Union and the Eastern Block as a model for socialism, appearance of cracks in the so called Soviet Camp, to begin with between China and Soviet Union and then internal splits within this camp itself, these were some of the world transformation and changes which left its mark on the thinking and behaviour of people all over the world and on the intellectuals and political activist in Iran, Kurdistan and the founding members of Komala in those days. The aforementioned transformations in the Iranian society, together with the intensification of absolutism and the political strangulation by the ruling regime, resulted in fundamental changes in the meaning and methods of political struggle and the composition and arrangement of the political opposition in Iran. The traditional forces in the arena of politics in Iran, under the impression of such transformation and the new radicalism that had appeared in the political arena of the country, gradually lost their influence and were pushed to the edges and new political forces took their place. These new elements and forces were comprised mainly of the students and the educated stratum who were coming together in the many scattered new organisations, circles and groups. And, in most cases, were under severe pressure by the absolutism through oppression, imprisonment and torture, and were not able to sustain themselves for long periods and usually did not enjoy an organic and widespread link with the workers and the lower stratum of the society. The Iranian opposition, during this period, were not rather formed by the well-known members of the National Front, the Tudeh Party or the clergy but were formed mainly by the revolutionary youths who would reject any compromise towards the monarchy regime and were in favour of a revolutionary solution for a regime change, from popular revolutions to guerrilla actions. This new political dynamism mainly existed underground and had a profound impact on the literature, the poetry and the culture of the time. It was primarily left wing ideology with a radical revolutionary colouring and was based on the third world narration of Marxism and anti-imperialism. The various prevalent political creeds in the world were naturally more or less echoed in Iran and the region. All be it that the Soviet Union was still seen as the world centre for socialism and the western world would accept this narration, however during that period, the Soviet Union itself and its policies were under the criticism, with varying degrees, everywhere in the world by the left, from the independent and democracy seeking left to the left wing guerrillas and also Maoism. From early 1970’s, religion, as a political ideology, was radicalised under the internal and world situation, had managed to infiltrate and create interest amongst the intellectuals and students in a notable manner, which demonstrated its effects later on in the Iranian revolution and acted as a steam-roller for the ascension of the rule of the reactionary clergy and religious despotism of the Velayat-e-faghih [rule of jurisprudent]. Komala, as a new player in the political and intellectual arena in Iran’s Kurdistan, was influenced by these transformations and events and would react to them and at the same time it would leave its own deep impression on the new generation in those days in Kurdistan. The changes in the region and in Kurdistan in those years were very notable and effective and one of the political and intellectual sources for the initial formation of Komala. The emergence of Kurdish movement in the Iraqi Kurdistan during the early 1960’s, which is known as the September (or Ilul) Revolution, resulted in putting forward the Kurdish question and the regeneration and advancement of national consciousness amongst the younger generation and general population of Kurdistan in those years. After that, the evolutions that the movement went through and the bitter and tragic defeat during the mid 1970’s gave way to the re-examination of the Kurdish movement on the basis of new thinking and learning lessons from that experience, which itself had very positive effect amongst political activists and the new generation of the intellectuals in gaining experience and critical political opinion. In the Iranian Kurdistan, the Democratic Party (Hezb-e-Demokrat), which until 1960’s was the primary and the only political organisation available for the struggle and protest in Kurdistan, and was associated with the most important events up until then, was itself faced with new political and social challenges. This party had to deal with the new understandings and questions posed by the world, Iranian and regional events and on the other hand had to cross swords with its historical close collaborations with the Tudeh Party and how to settle with it. The absence of a worthy response to this question, gave way to internal bewilderment and tensions and this party became the subject of re-examination and criticism by the new generation of the intellectuals and Kurdish political militants. The formation of a new faction or a new organisation under the name of “Revolutionary Committee of Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan” in 1967, which was no longer willing to carry on its activities within the traditional outlook and methods of the traditional leadership, was itself the fruit of this period and an endeavour to respond to this problem. The formation, activities and then the following failure of this criticising faction and taking in to consideration the experience of the “Revolutionary Committee”, in itself was a source of influence on the political organisation that was latter known as Komala. In this way, the question of Kurds and the Kurdish movement in the society and in the eyes of the new generation, in that period, found a new meaning and substance. The new generation was no longer satisfied with the traditional outlooks and solutions. The Kurdish nationalism would be integrated candidly with the right to self-determination and also with a new outlook and a new social substance, which is progressive, democratic, with citizen’s rights, women’s rights and modern and non-traditional methods of leadership. Komala was the vehicle to convey such necessity and a clear response to the national question from a modern, progressive and democratic prespective. The 1960’s Iranian Kurdistan went hand in hand with the formation of a kind of cultural self-awareness and modern literature, with the birth and dissemination of new Kurdish poetry and a wave of political and social story writings in the Kurdish language, with the enhancement of the intellectual movement and the birth of literary and intellectual circles which had mostly an acute political connotation, which in itself prepared the ground for the future cultural and intellectual sources of Komala.

A decade of Underground Activities:

Despite numerous arrests and imprisonment and sustaining tortures and hardship during the monarchist regime, Komala came out victorious from these trials and despite the blows, managed to preserve the main body of its cadres during the harshest of times. For this reason, during the Iranian Revolution and the Kurdish movement could step forward in the movement with a network of experienced activists who were well-know and popular for the masses and for this very same reason, it was the main organiser and leader of the demonstrations and popular actions in Kurdistan during the Iranian Revolution. The underground activities took about a decade, which was from 27 October 1969 to 15 February 1979, i.e. the day of the public announcement of the birth of Komala, in fact these were the years that formed the world outlook, political mentality, methods and ethos of militancy and organisation. One can summarise the character of Komala’s thoughts, policies and practice as follows:

A- Komala did not consider the Soviet Union as the socialist pole and its model for ideology and practice and such demarcation would not allow it to have any dependence on the theoretical Soviet narration. A narration that was primarily in the service of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union and according to it, anything that was anti-American was considered positive and revolutionary. We did embrace socialism and the October Revolution, however we did not accept the regime that came to power afterwards. Those who had theoretical affection for this camp, or like the Tudeh Party had practical dependence, as the events of the Iranian Revolution proved, committed notorious mistakes and even grave treachery. Komala belonged to that section of the left wing that did not accept such theory and practice and one of its cornerstone’s of the founding political theories was criticism of the Soviet Union and demarcation with its internal reflection. It was no accident that years later, during the mayhem of the [U.S.] Embassy occupation, and when many considered this event as an example of being a revolutionary act and under the impression of public fascination, ended in endorsing it, Komala, at the time, without any ambiguity, called it a reactionary demagogy which only served to strengthen the basis of the dictatorship of Velayat-e-Faghih [rule of jurisprudent], misleading and distracting the movement and finally crushing the opposition.

B- Komala did believe in the necessity of overthrowing the Shah’s regime, however it did not accept guerrilla fighting methods. We believed that the revolution ought to be the consequence of the development and evolution of popular movements and a change of mentality and a change in social behaviour of the workers, toilers and the masses due to evolution, political and practical improvement of these movements. A popular and transitional revolution is in fact the reaching of social and popular movements to its highest degree and not its first step. We deeply believed in the role of masses and social movements as the agent for social change and did not believe that guerrilla actions, isolated from the masses, would be instrumental. The respect and revolutionary prestige of the early leaders of the Fedayee Movement was quite high for Komala and we did recognise their political impact on the students and the intellectuals, however the experience of the armed movement of the Iranian Kurdistan in the years 1967 – 1968, by the “Revolutionary Committee”, had demonstrated to us that a guerrilla movement by the vanguard, even if this group does not suffer from a lack of links and connection with the local population, like the Kurdish movement which enjoyed the support of the peoples, without the direct involvement of the general masses through their practical movements and through political and organisational activities have become ready for action and rise, shall not be finally victorious. The experience of Kurdistan in general and the experience of the 1967 – 1968 movement in particular, which was primarily not known to the non-Kurdish political militants was an ample source for learning by Komala and in fact it offered us a deeper maturity and historical outlook.

C- Believing in the pivotal role of social movements in any social transformation, participating and supporting them and leaving its impression on them through patient and sympathetic activities, belief in the role of the masses and popular initiatives, and the need for being sensitive and accepting responsibility towards them were part of Komala’s political and theoretical foundation and were prominent part of its character. In particular, Komala in that period, deemed necessary the popular links and connections, as well as working amongst the masses in order to overcome the separation between the intellectuals and the masses and workers, which was one of the problems of the political work for the intellectuals in that period. This character, since that period has placed Komala in a unique place amongst the left wing political organisations, so much that the cadres of Komala were known as “grass root workers” amongst the political prisoners of the 1970’s. D- Giving importance to a firm theoretical and political beliefs which were put through test time and time again by all embracing study of Kurdish history and society, Iran and the world. And, theoretical and political debates and also through practical actions, the acceptance of harsh discipline, deep internal solidarity, being committed, accepting risks, taking responsibility, hard working, having a self-sacrificing mentality and always being ready to give up life’s personal benefits for higher social, political and party goals, were some of the characters of Komala and this protected our organisation during that harsh period, both in theoretical demarcation against other outlooks and theories and against police strikes. That was how Komala was able to enter the Iranian Revolution and the widespread Kurdish movement as a militant political organisation.

Komala in Iran’s Revolution and in Kurdish Movement:

The second important historical period that had a deep impact during the development of Komala was the Iranian Revolution and consequently the massive liberating resistance movement of Kurdistan, during which Komala left its indelible impression on the society and the movement at the time and during this process had to go through massive transformations and transferred from a compact disciplined organisation with a limited number of cadres in to a massive social party.

Taking in to consideration the network of cadres and activist that Komala had in the framework of the society and taking in to consideration that these cadres, apart from their association with the organisation, they were themselves popular characters and from amongst the political prisoners and famous activists and relying on the relatively large network of supporters among the youths, students, teachers and sections of the workers and also rural toilers, was enabled to play the first fiddle in organising demonstrations and popular actions and place itself at the head of many of these actions. Utilising the gradual freedom of its cadres from the prison, prior to the onset of the liberating movement against the monarchy regime and from 1977, Komala started to re-organise itself and was able to prepare itself for the future enormous events with a more potent organisation and cohesion. During this process, Komala clandestinely held its first congress in autumn 1978.
For Komala the time between the Iranian Revolution and the order of assault by Khomeini on 19 August 1979 was a period of most widespread civil organisation and work amongst the masses. During that short period, Kurdistan enjoyed a relative safety prior to the expedition by the Islamic Republic, Komala took the initiative to form peasant unions; workers’, women’s, teachers’ and students’ organisations and also founded circles of culture, literature, poetry and theatre in the cities and villages of Kurdistan and Kurdistan experienced a rare political and cultural flourishing. This period coincided with the time when Komala was changing and its rapid growth and popularity amongst the masses and its transformation to a completely mature, freedom-loving and vanguard social party which was offering new concepts, slogans and methods of struggle to the Kurdish society. Defending the peasants against armed landowners and old tyrants and defending their rights for possessing the land, daring defence of liberty and equality for women and their presence in all aspects of the society, defence of political freedoms and freedom of speech, taking the initiative in forming and supporting various civil, trade and cultural institutions such as organisations known as “associations”[Jamiat] in the cities which attracted primarily the radical and youth forces to itself, bravely defence of separation of religion and the state and criticising the newly installed Islamic Regime, plan and introduction of new popular struggle which was unsurpassed until then, all of these matters very quickly transformed Komala in to an innovative and very attractive party in the society.

With the order of assault by Khomeini on 19 August 1979, a new era commenced in the history of Kurdistan and an all out resistance was born against this onslought for the preservation of pride and prestige of the Kurdish people and the gains made so far. The Islamic Republic Regime started its assault by utilising false excuses, demagogy and by agitating backward nature of the masses and dissemination of malicious rumours about the Kurds, but in reality the real reason behind the assault was that the reactionary government could not tolerate a free and freedom seeking Kurdistan. A Kurdistan without the dominance and hegemony of the fundamentalist clergy and pseudo-fascist aggressive Hezbolah mobs; a place where there were no setting the cinemas and entertainment centres on fire; no attacks on Baha’i dwellings and shops; free from compulsory Hijab, beatings and throwing acid on women; free from attacks on popular councils and institutions; free from closures and banning the independent and freedom seeking press; where there are no news of attacks on the students and political organisations; but in total contrast, within the framework of our abilities, we promoted all these freedoms and movements in real terms. A Kurdistan, which from the very beginning was a secular and democratic movement could not be tolerated by a state that was dreaming to take Iran 1500 years back and had its hands on the wealth and power of the country. This island, the liberated Kurdistan, had to be drowned in the ocean of petrifaction, demagogy and reaction. Kurdistan was sacrificed for its liberty; for the establishment of the rule of Velayat-e-faghih [rule of jurisprudent] in Iran the authorities had to go through the suppression of Kurdistan. Therefore, they assaulted it with iron and fire.

“The Resistance Movement of the Kurdish People”, as it was known in those days, would embrace actions such as civil and political disobedience to armed resistance and Pishmargah. None of these were planned or designed by any particular group or organisation, however it was the real action taken by the masses and people from all walks of life in the Kurdish society who joined it and it was the manifestation of the determination of the Kurdish nationality for defending its rights and whoever that would not adhere to it, would be pushed to the edges and isolation. More than any other political forces, it was Komala that inspired the resistance of the Kurdish people against the onslaught on the Kurdistan and in practice, immediately after the assault order by Khomeini, in a historical and strategic decision, which is reflected in the historic bulletin of “The Kurdish people in the crucible”, Komala decided on the preparation and organisation of this mass popular resistance and effectively was placed at the head of this resistance. The widespread and strong-willed people’s resistance managed to force a defeat for the invading forces of the Islamic Republic within three months and the regime was made to enter a dialog with the representatives of the Kurdish people. “The Representative Committee of the Kurdish People”, which comprised of the representatives of the political parties and personalities active in the Kurdish movement was the fruit of the co-operation of those forces. Although they accepted the dialogs unwillingly, however the rulers of the Islamic Republic were busy reorganising and fortifying their forces in full for yet another future widespread onslaught on the Kurdistan. In the meantime, they did try to cause dissention amongst the Kurdish parties and stopped at nothing to disintegrate and destroy the Representative Committee of the Kurdish People and attempted to setup separate negotiations and collusions with parties involved.
Finally, after an interval of several months, once again there was a massive military assault launched by the Islamic Republic on Kurdistan in March 1980 and once again the cities and villages of Kurdistan were subject to bombardment by tanks, artillery, ground and air forces and once again the resistance and the solidarity of the people of Kurdistan manifested itself spectacularly. After several years of bloody and inhumane conflicts, eventually the Pasdaran [Revolutionary Guards] and the oppressive forces of the Islamic Republic managed to occupy this land but they never managed to crush the will of the people or force them on their knees. During this relentless and legitimate resistance, Komala lost more than two thousands of its best militant members, however by doing so, by sacrificing the blood of its best cadres and Pishmargahs, it proved its solidarity with its people and sealed a deep pact with them and established itself forever in Kurdistan.

Unsuccessful Experience of Communist Party of Iran:

According to the beliefs of Komala in those days, the formation of the Communist Party was one of their aims in line with their ideals, however it was due to the political situation that made such decision to be taken so hastily. The formation of the Communist Party of Iran in September 1983 happened at a time when the Islamic Republic had started a bloodbath all over Iran in order to establish its rule. The labour activists and democratic and leftist forces were under most pressure. They were being arrested and destroyed one after another and many of them were executed. Komala was of the belief that taking in to account its influence and widespread popular base in Kurdistan, by forming the Communist Party of Iran, the remainder of the freedom-seeking and left wing forces would become amalgamated and a united struggle against the Islamic Republic would spread all over Iran. In particular, they believed that the next wave of the revolution would soon sweep away the rulers of the Islamic Republic and soon enough we would witness the new exaltation of the revolutionary movement, but this time within a progressive and liberating framework. It goes without saying that in this scenario, Komala and the Kurdish movement would benefit from a powerful ally such as the labour movement and the liberating movement in Iran and would no longer have to bear the pressures of the Islamic Republic on its own. Similar methods of thinking, albeit without a left wing background, did exist in the formation of the National Council of Resistance and the participation of some Kurdish forces there.

Experience proved that despite sincere mentality and honest endeavours by Komala, enduring expenses and devoting manpower, the Communist Party of Iran not only never materialised the dreams that it had inspired but never even was anywhere near it and at the end it turned out to be a failed project. Considering the existing deep illusions, severe dispersion and in the absence of a credible democratic alternative, the domination of the fascist dictatorship of Velayat-e-faghih [rule of jurisprudent] was established in Iran and the hope of any prospects of a revolution or a new exaltation was lost. The labour movement was suppressed, the women and students movements were crushed, Torkman-Sahra and Ahwaz were dripping blood, the pens were broken by the order of “the Imam” and the press faced closures and the Communist Party of Iran, apart from the early stages and in a very limited manner, never boosted the rank and file of Komala, never found any foothold and basis amongst the workers, women, students, intellectuals or any other stratums, never managed to spread its roots in the movement, never organised any resistance and had no effect.

In the beginning, the leadership of the Communist Party was at least aware of their shortcomings and did endeavour to correct this and on this path would remind all that Komala should be taken as a successful model that should be exemplified by the Communist Party of Iran. However later on the custodians of this party who could see that the day of reckoning is becoming nearer and their balance sheet empty, of course not counting Komala’s activities, and expecting criticisms and rightful questionings, instead of being accountable, they drowned themselves in the melancholic ideological illusions and unable to create a better world, they promised the paradise to their followers. While not even moving a finger and drawing any attention from working class to themselves, in their dreams they considered all the workers in the country as party members and prescribed a solution for the whole world. Komala’s real and dynamic understanding of the role of the social movements in the process of political transformations were forgotten, opposing democratic discourse became order of the day, and further ignoring and even hostility with any real movement and childish denial of the transformations in the world around us, would be posed as the integrity of theory. Real and earthly movements would all be considered contaminated and would be belittled and negated, and freedom and liberty, more than ever before was reduced from an earthly and real concept to the by-product of the ideological transcendence. Intoxicating itself and the others was the replacement of expediency and clear policy making and analysing and real investigation was replaced by shallow use of foul language and creation of constant animosity.

Finally and in the last years, even the Kurdish movement, as the strong point, became a target for attacks and contempt. Not taking responsibility for the leadership of the movement and even theorising and sanctification of this political idleness, revisionism in the well-known principles of Komala towards the Kurdish national question and denying the role and place of Komala in the liberating Kurdish movement was threatening the very existence and the glorious traditions of Komala. Komala was supposed to be seen as a successful social and popular model, in contrary, Komala and its popular traditions became targets for sharp attacks. It must be said that exactly during this period the heavy burden of harsh struggle in those years against the inhumane suppressions of the dictatorship of the Islamic Republic in Kurdistan was laid on the shoulders of a generation of cadres, Pishmargahs and political activists of Komala whose services, sacrifices and hardworking is still a magnificent page in the activities of Komala and forms an inspiring model for the youth generation of Komala.

In one word, in Kurdistan area, the Communist Party of Iran not only never served any purpose for Komala but for several years it caused such problems, disappointments and dispersion amongst the forces that its effects are not fully eradicated even now. The theoretical and organisational framework of the Communist Party was a heavy weight on the shoulders of Komala and a cause for being pushed to the fringes and marginalised. Positive, real, popular features and aspects of Komala were being harmed under the ideological and cultural weight of the Communist Party of Iran and the Kurdish movement was witnessing the waning of its vanguard forces.
The remedy for this problem could only be achieved by getting rid of the theoretical and political frameworks of the Communist Party of Iran, re-construction of Komala and re-positioning it on the rightful basis.

Re-generation of Komala and opening new horizons:

The project of re-generation of Komala, which was as a result of many years of debates and political and theoretical discussions, was materialised in 2000 and was the third important juncture in the life of Komala. At that juncture the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan managed to once again to hold its rightful position in the Kurdish society and Iran by critical re-examining parts of the outlook, policies and old methods that had been adopted during previous years. By this re-generation, Komala managed to rely on the real, popular and progressive traditions and by taking into consideration the global transformations, once again it found its deserving place as the vanguard and modern party of Kurdistan, a party that is able to comprehend and digest new situations and can follow its aims and ideals in a new world and establish itself amongst the political and intellectual elite, and also amongst the youths, students and political activists. This widespread ideological and political re-generation could produce a new enthusiasm, hope and self-confidence for the long-term activists, friends, those who care for Komala and the peoples’ of Kurdistan, its popular base became ever more extended and once again it established Komala as the vanguard party and its active leadership in the Kurdish movement and by doing so it paved the way for opening new political horizons in Kurdistan. The process of events and the real life experience of Kurdistan during the past decade and in particular during the democracy seeking movement of 2009 proved the correctness and accuracy of Komala’s policies more than ever before and its position amongst various stratums of the people of Kurdistan and the democracy seeking movement activists all over Iran were established.

As Komala was formed during the harsh monarchic despotism and was originated through social, political and cultural upheavals in those days, it demonstrated a proper response to the political and social needs, as the active participation of Komala in the Iranian Revolution and then the leadership of the Kurdish movement in those years displayed a deep and real understanding of the necessities of the day and the recognition of the correct social forms of struggle in that period by Komala. The project of re-generation of Komala, after many years of study, debate, investigation and criticisms was finally materialised at the onset of the new millennium in 2000 by splitting from the Communist Party of Iran. This was due to a deep study of the political and social situation of the world and the region and a full-scale political and ideological review of the Communist Party of Iran’s outlook and finding the correct path to address these needs and the recognition of the correct path that Komala and a realistic social left wing party should have adopted in Kurdistan. And it embodies the characterisation of a new political horizon for a modern, democratic, rightful and just Kurdistan by Komala. The re-generation of Komala at the same time meant the re-birth of Komala and the commencement of a new era of development and expansion of political influence and maturity of this party and yet another shining star in the life of our organisation.

The collapse of the Soviet Camp and ever discrediting of a social and political system, so called as communism, and moral credibility being under question together with Maoism and the Chinese model losing credibility, caused a lot of widespread upheavals in the world and made progressive and left wing forces all over the world to look for new paths. Komala never approved the so called Socialist Camp and never considered the Soviet System as its role model but more over it was the symbol of a realistic and independent left that criticised the Soviet System and had clearly demonstrated its demarcations with Stalinism since its second congress in March 1981. This view had always formed part of the political outlook of Komala and for this reason it faced the harshest of hostilities, accusations and labels by the defenders of the Soviet System such as the Tudeh Party. However, the traditions and legacy of the Soviet Camp, which whether we like it or not is associated by the name of communism to the general public all over the world, is now more than ever before had become a despicable and unwanted tradition and legacy and was a burden to the left wing groups and tendencies in the world including those who criticised it.

The catastrophes of the Stalinist era; Moscow Trials and the murder of most of the leaders of the October Revolution; forced collectivisation and mass mortality of millions of people and in particular the peasants in this process; dictatorship, torture and setting up forced labour camps; internal exile of none-Russian ethnicities and inhumane abuse, discrimination and sternness towards them; lack of political freedoms and freedom of speech, reducing the literature and press to formal praise, admiration and adulation of the authorities and the ruling system; converting the communist parties of different countries, and in particular in the third world, to their resident agents for advancing the foreign policy of the Soviet Union; and many other factors resulted in the collapse of the Soviet Union resulted in being associated with the collapse and discrediting of communism. The other example, China, despite economical development, due to huge problems such as social injustice, political despotism and its foreign policy never added anything to the credibility of the experience of communism. The decline of a global current known as communism and the severe derogation of the parties associated with this identity in all countries in the world, which nowadays is near extinction, is a political reality of the world today. The re-generation of Komala in 2000 could not and should not fail to take this reality in to consideration and not draw its own demarcation with this negative global experience with the name of communism.

The end of the Cold War, the ascension of the discourse about democracy and human rights in the world, the downfall of the dictatorships, informatics revolution, political transparency and the like, together with theoretical and political upheavals within Iran, the bankruptcy of the economical, social and cultural model of the Islamic rule and the failure of the ideological hegemony of the society by the Islamic system and the dominance of the democratic discourse and civil rights amongst the political and cultural elite of the society, the shift in the opinion and the composition of the opposition of the Islamic Republic and finally the upheavals created in the Iranian Kurdish movement and in the Kurdish movement as a whole, had raised the necessity of a review. The continuation of the narrow-minded and dogmatic theoretical, political and organisational framework of the past was pushing our interrelation with the new transformations, new generation and the new discourse in the society and the world to become alienated and would push Komala within the Communist Party of Iran to the fringes. Contrary to the investigative and dynamic methods of Komala in the past, the Communist Party of Iran had enslaved Komala within a hard and inflexible shell of dogmas which no longer could identify the challenges correctly and be ready to face them head on and would leave no opportunity to intelligently utilise the existing prospects. Not only we were losing theoretical and political innovation and progress but also we were pushed to the fringes and only thing left for us was to remain isolated and live on nostalgia.

By recognising and comprehending these transformations, Komala needed a review and re-investigation that could accommodate the obligations of a new and modern world. This review completely corresponded to the history and origin of Komala, the social stand and popular base of Komala and its reliance on the social movements and popular actions and also with Komala’s methodology and political reality and its free and independent thinking. The re-generation of Komala in fact meant the re-growth of Komala on its fundamental and historical roots and the best of its popular traditions, a dynamic and social methodology and at the same time adopting itself with the most important global and internal transitions and endeavour to advance the spirit of the ideals of Komala through new challenges and opportunities that we live in.

The aims and policies of Komala:

The Komala Party of the Iranian Kurdistan is a socialist party, believes in social justice and fights against social inequalities and injustices. Komala considers itself first and foremost a defender of the rights and interests of the workers, low wage earners, women, youths and suppressed masses of the society and fights to secure their social, economical and political rights in order to ensure a better future for the support and materialisation of these rights in the society and endeavours to secure mass participation in social decisions and determinations. Komala considers fighting for the following as its responsibility and duty: securing social justice; creating equal opportunities; a progressive labour law; freedom of trade institutions and organisations; free and independent labour organisations including the right to form trade unions, providing social security including unemployment insurances; free universal health service; providing free education for all Iranian children and youths, including the right to receive education in the mother tongue and defending their rights for securing developmental and recreational facilities. Komala is in process of joining the Socialist International and considers itself close to this social and political camp in the world.
Consistently defending people’s democracy and rights and respecting them, centre staging the social movements as the prime agent for social transformations, valuing the popular initiatives and blossoming and nourishing them, emphasise on social justice and workers and low wage earners’ rights, not compromising and standing firm against the dictatorship of the Islamic Republic Regime, consistency in fighting for national rights of the Kurdish nationality and heralding new solutions on this matter, all together forms the principal identity of Komala and its path in Kurdistan. Thousands of people have lost their lives in the ranks of Komala for the accomplishments of these just ideals..

The Komala Party of the Iranian Kurdistan pays particular emphasis on total democratisation of social and political life in the Iranian society and in doing so, it fights for: complete separation of the state and religion; complete equality between women and men’s rights; complete political freedoms; freedom of speech and press; freedom of political parties, organisations and trade unions; a democratic constitution, modern and progressive; abolition of national, ethnic, linguistic, gender and religious suppression and discriminations in Iran. Komala is of the belief that without a democratic solution to national, ethnic, linguistic and religious discriminations in Iran, the accomplishment of a lasting and real democracy in the country is impossible and therefore for this reason seeks a federative system, where all nationalities including the Kurdish nationality in Iranian Kurdistan are able to manage their own affairs through their elected organisations by themselves. As regards the future of political structure of the state in Iran, Komala supports a democratic, secular, pluralist and federative system..

Even before the Islamic Republic takes power, which has been holding it for more than 30 years now, Komala has been against the political Islam and fundamentalism and in the history of Kurdistan has been well known as a decisive and unambiguous party and has never compromised in the least with the Islamic Republic Regime and its theoretical and political foundations. Komala still considers the Islamic Republic Regime as the main enemy of the Iranian and the Kurdish people and regards it as the main obstacle against development, advancement and freedom and in order to sweep away this regime in its totality it relies on the united conscious struggle of the people. Komala Party has always believed that there is a need for an extensive alliance of democracy seeking forces in Iran, based on the collective consensus on a democratic charter, be it for the accomplishment of the objective of regime change or be it for the democratisation of the future Iran, after the fall of the Islamic Regime and Komala shall collaborate on this path, while preserving its standpoints..

Komala is the vanguard party of the liberating movement of the Kurdish nation that is seeking freedom, legitimate political and cultural rights and after a decade of very difficult and glorious underground activities, during the previous monarchic regime, and then ever since the Iranian Revolution, it is for more than 30 years that it has been active and at the head of the movement and still holds itself committed to strengthening it and lead it to victory. Since the beginning of its establishment in 1969, Komala has clearly emphasised on the right to self-determination for the Kurdish nation and has always been at the forefront of struggle for securing national rights of the Kurdish nation and a program of action. Komala is the very first political party in Iranian Kurdistan that has adopted federalism in their party program which has been accepted and welcomed by the public opinion and has become the main demand of the Kurdish people and has found its place as an acceptable and logical structure for the future of Iran amongst the political forces in the country. Komala welcomes the extension of national self-consciousness of the Kurds to the southern parts of Iranian Kurdistan, such as Kermanshah and Ilam and endeavours for the strengthening of solidarity amongst all Kurdish dwelling areas.

Komala calls for a peaceful solution to the question of Kurds and continues to work for the accomplishment of such a solution in future. However Komala recognises the legitimate right of Kurdish people to resist and self-defence against coercion, violence and military suppression. Komala also views the Kurdistan people’s resistance against unjustified attacks and aggressions by the Islamic Republic, totally just and necessary and considers it as one of the glorious pages in the history of Kurdish people’s struggle.
Komala strives to carry out its responsibility to present kurdish movement in the region and worldwide and displaying its democratic and rightful face to the world from the standpoint of supporting the Kurdish people.

Komala warmly supports the just struggles of the Kurdish people in other parts of Kurdistan and while offers solidarity and readiness for dialog and co-operation with other political parties and their institutions, they disapprove of any interference in the internal affairs of each other and believe that irresponsible interventions has only resulted in tarnishing the relations between the Kurdish parties and finally it has not been accepted and is rejected by the society.

Komala is the party of the social movements and popular innovations and it has been associated with the most important junctures of popular movements during the past three decades. The historical Marivaan migration, peasant unions, labour unions, “Defence Association of freedoms and rights of the Kurdish people” in Kurdish cities, “Bankeh”s and local councils of Sanandaj, councils and other popular institution in the cities and villages of Kurdistan, Teachers’ Union, students organisations, women’s organisations and many popular actions and civil and social institutions, have been known as part of Komala’s innovations in Kurdish society and is identified with Komala. The widespread protest movements of Kurdish cities in summer of 2005 and also the successful general strike of April 2010 against the executions, are some prominent examples that demonstrate the high capacity of the Kurdish movement and the effective role of Komala in mobilising the masses. Today, while facing the new regional and international situation, Komala strives to completely embed itself within social movements, labour movement, women’s movement, students’ movements, various civil movements and become their main friend, supporter and speaker.

Komala has always emphasised on the line of democracy seeking within Kurdistan itself and is of the belief that a free Kurdistan should be free not only from national suppression but also be free from despotism and dictatorship within Kurdistan itself. Komala is the main defender of democracy seeking and civil rights of the people of Kurdistan and has paid a heavy price for it.[/text]

During the past decades, Komala has been a party fought for the rights and liberation of women. Boldly defending the women’s rights, attaching vanguard role for women and giving them responsibilities that were traditionally in the realm of men and is doing away with many restrictions that during that period would be seen as the red line for many opposition parties, are only part of the traditions that have became popular in Kurdistan due to Komala’s innovations. One can mention that Komala was the first party in all Kurdistan that organised an extended female Pishmargah forces and gave them sensitive organisational and political responsibilities. In fact during those years the widespread presence of female pishmarga on itself, in the people’s eyes was one of the characteristics of Komala. Fighting against backward and degrading traditions against women, endeavouring to erode all aspects of discriminations against them, abolishing all rules and laws that station women disadvantageously in terms of economics, rights, social position and family, securing the equality of rights of women has been considered as fundamental duties of Komala. Komala is of the belief that without comprehensive liberty and equality of women, no real democracy, human rights, Kurdish movement or socialism can be achieved.

Komala is the Party that supports a pluralist and civil society with vanguard culture in Kurdistan and it manifests the libertarian, democratic and modern ideals of the Kurdish people. Komala opposes all reactionary and harmful traditions, which are in force especially against the women, children and the downtrodden in the society and strives to eradicate them through legislation and also through explanation, enlightening, education and altering the culture of the society.

Iran and Kurdistan are on the verge of an environmental catastrophe. Komala is an ardent defender of a responsible preservation and protection of the environment and seeks to use Kurdish natural resources optimally, such as water, soil, forests and vast underground resources, with a long term environmental view, serving today and future of the people of Kurdistan and repudiates all current destructions, indifferences and plunders of these resources.

The Komala Party of the Iranian Kurdistan emphasises on the freedom of all religions and declares itself neutral towards all religions. Emphasising on this particular point, with respect to religious discrimination of the Islamic Republic, makes it doubly important. Religious beliefs or disbeliefs are a personal matter for each person and is free from state’s aggression. All religions, be it Sunnite, Shiite, Yaresaan, Christianity, Bahai’s and all other religions are free in the liberated Kurdistan and religious abuse and discrimination and also religious animosity and hate mongering, which is a reactionary legacy of the Islamic Republic, should be thrown in the dustbin of the history together with this very Regime.
In order to strengthen democracy and democracy-seeking trends, Komala supports all democratic movements, labour, women, students and other progressive social movements and at the same time it deems itself permissible to enter political alliances, when necessary, in order to sweep away this regime, while adhering to preserving its independence and in line with its aims and ambitions.[/text]

Komala recognises the Human Rights Charter and strives to make it the basis for living and a rationale for the state and the people all over Iran including Kurdistan. Consequently, Komala supports the abolition of executions and stands for including it in the future constitution of Iran.

Komala respects, emphasises and protects pluralism in Iran and Kurdistan, as one of the by-products of social growth, development for delivering the society to modernity and believes that a return to political party monopolies and single-party systems are neither possible nor useful, because it prevents the society from political and intellectual flourishing and a healthy competition. Under such conditions, the question of the unity of struggles of the people of Kurdistan, which still holds a vital importance, must be achieved and secured through political co-operations, alliances and Kurdish fronts in order to prevail over this shortcoming.

On the basis of this methodology, Komala, as always, rejects the use of violence in free political competitions, including amongst political groups and parties of the Kurdish movement and believes that whatever the services of Komala in the past, during hard times of the movement, and however much it ought to be appreciated by the society, at the end of the day, the political destiny of Kurdistan must be determined by people’s decision through ballot boxes. Komala, as always, respects all parties and political allegiances of all citizens and believes that choosing a political path and a political party, such as joining or leaving a party, must be done in complete freedom. Violent conflicts must be rejected by all political parties, preferably by issuing a collective communiqué and giving undertakings on a common charter to suppress and stop any future internal conflicts and wars in Kurdistan forever. Taking in to consideration the background of armed struggle and Kurdish parties being armed, which is rooted in the legitimate and rightful resistance of the Kurdish people against suppression and oppression, must from now on, through a common effort, compile and ratify the standards for a civil, democratic and lawful society in Kurdistan and remove all obstacles on the path to future development and political and cultural blossoming of Kurdistan.

It is years now that Komala strives for the formation of a united Kurdish front amongst the Kurdish personalities, institutions and parties, as one of its top priorities. Although this matter is some time now that has become the common wishes of the Kurdish people, however its absence is felt deeply and Komala still supports this calling and it considers it as one of the effective tools of the Kurdish people in their struggle against the Islamic Republic and also in the service of establishing the wishes of the Kurdish nation and strengthening their political position in Iran.

Komala rejects the antagonist policies in respect to the rest of the world including blindly and backwardly being against the west which is instigated by political Islam in Iran. And, while it emphasises on the political independence, it believes that constructive coexistence with the world, and in particular with our neighbours, must be the basis of Iran’s foreign policy.

Komala Party of the Iranian Kurdistan rejects the adventurism in foreign policy, supporting terrorism and its export to the region and the world, provoking religious differences and hostilities in the middle east region, creating tensions and insecurity in the region by the Islamic Regime. Further, it rejects the drive by the Islamic Regime to get its hand on nuclear weapons and hold the ruling Regime responsible for the isolation and political, economical and technological limitations imposed on Iran. Komala emphasises that instead of a violent, tension-seeking and cultivating superstitions character that the Islamic Republic of Iran has demonstrated so far, a democratic and economically strong Iran, with advanced cultural character could have a positive impact on all the region and can provide most comfort and security for the whole population of the country.

In our opinion, securing a lasting economical development, together with social justice and preserving the environment is the requirement for a proper economical policy for Iran. Getting rid of backwardness in Kurdistan, which is on the one hand as a result of long term discrimination in capital investment, construction development programs and economical development, and on the other hand is as a result of corruption and mismanagement, must be a priority.

Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan


December 26, 2015 Comments are off admin

Join Agreement


In a recent statement, Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan and Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan announced that they have reached and signed a joint agreement.

The content of the joint statement is as follows:

Following mutual meetings and hearings, Iranian Kurdistan Democratic Party and Iranian Kurdistan Komala party could agree upon a joint agreement.

Prior to this recent meeting, their expert boards have been gathering several times and working on this accord for years.

The current meeting was organized with the intention of discussing and highlighting the general important issues regarding the region of concern, the specific issues pertinent to Iran and Kurdistan, and in continuing the mutual dialogues to prepare a joint agreement for further cooperation between the two parties.

In conclusion, on Tuesday 21st august 2012, the delegations of the two parties including their leaders convened in a meeting in the main office of KDPI to authorize the mentioned accord.

In a five- hour board meeting, while discussing important issues about the region of interest, namely Iran and Kurdistan, the leaders of the two parties Messrs. Mustafa Hijri and Abullah Mohtadi finalized the process of the joint agreement and authorized the agreement.

The parties also pinned hopes on the fact that the content of this agreement will predispose further cooperation between the parties, and it will be the start point for cooperation among Iranian political forces in the future.

Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan
Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan

Equivalent to
05/31/1391 Solar Hijri Calendar

Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan and Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan signed a bilateral agreement regarding their reciprocal cooperation and interests on 31 Mordad 1391 Solar calendar.

The context of the agreement:

This agreement is signed by the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan and Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan. Hereafter, the parties will be called Democrat and Komala.


Apparently, the Kurdish liberation movement in Iranian Kurdistan has continually been passing through different fluctuating stages of its struggles for freedom and independence.

It is an undeniable fact that the Kurds of Iran went through a process of national resistance movement against the central governments, self- devotion, losing and martyring their children for proving of their identity, their political rights, and above all their national self- determination.

Various worldwide changes, recent developments of the Middle East, new power balance of the superpowers and modern doctrine of the global realm have provided a great opportunity to the Kurds to initiate their demands and emphasize more and more their rights in an international level.

The new waves of changes and pervasive demands for democratization in the Middle East, have either overwhelmingly overthrown the dictatorial regimes of the region or is toppling them stronger than ever. Eventually, with continuous struggle by its freedom fighters, the tyrant regime of Islamic republic of Iran leaves the regime no other horizon but being overthrown.

In the past three years, after rise and fall of Green movement, the Iranian opposition and various groups of dissidents settling abroad have started a new round of dialogues and joint activities. In this regard, compared to the past and despite the differences of opinions, mutual understandings and adjacencies have been arisen among these groups so that the notion of unifying and attempting to open a democratic front with the clear slogan of Regime change have received more acceptance in comparison to the past.

In this particular period, Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan and Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan have reciprocally cooperated concerning several important issues. Consequently, due to the increasing process of cooperation and growing closeness between the two parties as the most legitimate political streams, they believe that in such circumstances, reaching an agreement upon a set of fundamental common points in the framework of this project is undoubtedly inevitable.

This joint platform as the principal political agenda against the contemporary political changes is representing an alliance between the two political streams.

This joint agreement, which was endorsed by the leaders of the two parties, determines a basis for their mutual operations in political, diplomatic, publicizing, propaganda and media issues.
Simultaneously, the agreement is a basis of joint activities for further developing of this agreement and establishing of grounds for further cooperation among other Iranian political forces.

A) General principles:

1. The two parties believe that practicing democracy and achieving national rights for the different nations especially the Kurds within the borders of Iran will not be realized without overthrowing of the Islamic regime. They also believe that the future political system of Iran needs to be secular, democratic, and federal. Therefore, it is essential that both parties would insist on these certain points while holding meetings with other Iranian opposition.

2. Komala and Democrat Parties have complete faith in free elections, in which the people of Kurdistan participate. They believe that only in such elections, the principles of democratization will be realized, and the polls are the most authentic source of legitimacy for all active political groups.

3. Both sides fully advocate the separation of church and state. They believe that the future governance of Kurdistan and the new constitution of the country should be prepared based on the principle of democracy, the universal declaration of human rights, the national and political rights of Kurdistan. In addition, both parties believe that freedom of religion and other beliefs is a legitimate and undeniable right for all residence of Kurdistan.

4. Both parties lay stress on full equal rights for women and men including political, social, economic, cultural, and familial rights. Besides, they advocate modern and progressive international laws, and they will attempt to let these rights be ratified in the future.

5. Komala and Democrat Parties advocate and support freedom of expression, freedom of press, freedom of founding political organizations, freedom of establishment of civic organizations and associations, which maintains the rights of labors, women, students, youth, teachers etc.

6. The two sides agree to support and take a deep commitment to social justice and environmental protection of Kurdistan, as well as the inclusion of these issues in the constitution to maintain a sustainable process of peace in the region.

7. Both sides proclaim their profound commitment to arrive at peaceful solutions for any of their potential problems through holding dialogues, using political practices, and applying non-violence methods. They also suggest that similar approaches are necessary for all political forces in Kurdistan. Besides, they will attempt to introduce, practice, and stabilize these principles in the society.

8. Democrat and Komala parties consider and select “National- Geographic federalism” as their major political theme and program to find solutions for national oppression issue in Kurdistan. They consider themselves as the harbinger of this perspective, therefore they will cooperate on their mutual interests to realize and institutionalize these objectives.

9. The parties agree that the present agreement will not compromise any principles of their political, organizational, diplomatic and media independence. It would rather provide harmony and unity between the two sides in order to attain the mentioned objectives in this platform.

B) Responsibilities prior to regime change

1. Introducing dilemmas and demands of Kurdish people of Iran to the international community and gaining their political supports for Kurdish liberation movement. For instance, organizing joint diplomatic efforts at the global level and visiting the international centers in alignment with this purpose.

2. Adopting common views and positions in the seminars and conferences, as well as being in harmony in this area. Both parties stress on federalism as the sole solution for the Iranian nations, and they will support this slogan to become the prevailing idea among different discourses of the Iranian oppositions. Strengthening joint perspectives and supporting a progressive national discourse in the Federal Congress of Iranian Nations, and also preserving this organization against any threat and introducing it to the public opinion. Endeavoring to develop a mutual policy at the Iranian opposition level, and this will represent the fundamental principles of national- democratic movement of Kurdish people.

3. Both sides support Kurdish legitimate struggle in all four parts of Kurdistan, nevertheless, they believe that any intervention in the issues of the other parts will be indigested and unacceptable. In this regard, in order to maintain and heighten the relationships with other Kurdish political forces, and in order to acquire a better position for Kurdish people of Iran, as well as pursuing a joint policy, if necessary, both parties will organize joint meetings with the regional government of Iraqi Kurdistan and other political forces.

4. Komala and Democrat parties believe that maintaining the national cohesion, unity, and the reinforcement of joint campaigns among Kurdish political forces are their strategic objectives. Therefore, if there is any potential obstruction to impede those objectives, they will attempt to find political solutions for the issue.

5. Both parties are determined to strengthen and develop their reciprocal co-operations. In this respect, in accordance with predetermined plans and programs, both sides agree to take practical steps toward further cooperation between the parties such as the use of media, publicizing joint statements regarding major political events, and joint actions to disclose every inhumane behavior of the Islamic regime or to support any civic and political movements in Iran.

Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan, and Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan
Mustafa Hijri/ Abdullah Mohtadi

August 2012
Equivalent to
Mordad 1391 Solar Hijri Calendar